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Early  History  of  New  England. 


In  1862  I  republished  DR.  INCREASE  MATHER'S  "  Brief  History 
of  King  Philip's  War,"  with  an  Introduction  and  Notes.  I  now  pro 
pose  to  republish  his  other  work,  (which  covers  the  most  interesting 
period  of  the  History  of  New  England,)  entitled — "A  RELATION  op 
THE  TROUBLES  WHICH  HAVE  HAPPENED  IN  NEW  ENGLAND,  BY 
REASON  OE  THE  INDIANS  THERE,  FROM  THE  YEAR  1614,  TO  THE 
YEAR  1675."  It  was  printed  in  Boston  in  1677,  in  a  small  quarto 
volume. 

This  work,  abounding  in  important  facts,  has  never  been  republished. 

I  propose  to  issue  it  in  the  small  4to  form,  printed  with  antique 
type,  uniform  with  the  BRIEF  HISTORY,  with  an  Introduction  and 
Annotations.  It  will  comprise  about  300  pages.  Price  for  copies  in 
paper,  $3  00  ;  full  bound  in  cloth,  gilt  tops,  $3  50.  Ten  copies  will 
be  printed  on  large  paper,  at  $10  00  per  copy,  in  paper  covers. 

Subscribers  names  will  be  printed  in  the  work. 
Those  desirous  of  the  work  will  please  give  early  notice  to 

SAMUEL  G.  DRAKE, 

13  Bromfidd  St. 
BOSTON,  June,  1863. 


EARLY    HISTORY 


OF 


NEW      ENGLAND; 

BEING    A    RELATION    OF 

HOSTILE  PASSAGES  BETWEEN  THE  INDIANS 

AND   EUROPEAN   VOYAGERS  AND 

FIRST  SETTLERS: 

AND    A 

FULL  NARRATIVE  OF  HOSTILITIES,  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE 
WAR  WITH  THE  PEQJJOTS,  IN  THE  YEAR   1637; 

ALSO   A 

DETAILED  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  WAR  WITH 

KING  PHILIP. 

BY  INCREASE  MATHER. 

iXssc'Urs*.   i.:^e«r*rr^VWl>-  "*M    ^  '  '• 

an  Kntroftuction  antr  Note*, 

BY    SAMUEL    G.    DRAKE. 


BOSTON: 

PRINTED   FOR  THE   EDITOR, 

AND  SOLD  BY  HIM  AT  NO.    1 3   BROMFIELD-STREET. 
ALSO  BY  J.   MUNSELL,   ALBANY,   N.  Y. 

1864. 


TO  HIS  EARLY  AND  CONSTANT  FRIEND, 

JOHN  CARTER  BROWN,  ESQUIRE, 

OF    PROVIDENCE,    RHODE    ISLAND, 

Whofe  extenfive  and  invaluable  Colleftion  of  Works  on  the 
whole  Range  of  American  Hiftory  and  Antiquities  is  a  Monu 
ment  to  his  fine  Tafte,  Judgment  and  perfevering  Induftry, 
of  which  not  only  himfelf  and  his  State  mould  be  proud,  but 
New  England  likewife ;  inafmuch,  as  through  his  Kindnefs 
and  Liberality  his  moft  ufeful  Collection  is  not  a  fealed  one, 
but  is  aiding  in  various  Ways  the  Bibliographer  and  Hifto- 
rian :  To  him,  therefore,  this  Volume  is,  by  permiffion, 
refpeftfully  Dedicated,  by 

THE  EDITOR. 


INTRODUCTORY  BY  THE  EDITOR 


OR  many  Years  I  had  con 
templated  publifhing  Editions 
of  the  two  Works  of  Dr.  Increale 
Mather  on  Indian  Hiftory ;  they 
having  been  for  a  long  Time  rarely  to 
be  met  with.  The  firft  of  thefe  Works,  in  point 
of  Time  of  Publication,  was  the  Brief  Hiftory  of 
Philip's  War,  an  Edition  of  which  I  ifTued  laft 
Year  (1862).  As  foon  as  that  was  publifhed  I 
commenced  preparing  this  to  follow  it.  Various 
Demands  upon  my  Time  have  prevented  its  earlier 
Appearance.  Chronologically  this  fhould  have  ap 
peared  before  the  other  Work ;  but  fo  the  Author 
wrote  and  fo  he  publifhed  them ;  thus  as  it  were 
writing  Hiftory  backwards.  But  fome  great  Hif- 
torians  have  fince  either  followed  Mr.  Mather's 


vi  Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

Plan,  or  employed  one  fimilar ;  for  it  was  in  this 
Way  Mr.  Hume  wrote  and  publiiLed  his  celebrated 
Hiftory  of  England. 

In  refpect  to  thefe  two  Works  of  Dr.  Mather, 
while  the  Firft  may  be  thought  to  be  more  im 
portant  to  Hiftorians,  the  Latter  is  the  more  difficult 
to  be  found.  The  former  is  a  contemporaneous 
Hiftory,  while  the  latter  is  a  Hiftory  of  a  previous 
Age  ;  chiefly  drawn  from  Works  fince  as  well 
known  as  in  the  Time  of  this  Author.  This  may 
account  in  fome  Degree  for  its  having  met  with  but 
a  fingle  Impreflion  in  one  hundred  and  eighty-fix 
Years. 

Being  pofTefled  of  nearly  all  of  Mr.  Mather's 
Authorities,  I  have  been  able  to  fupply  numerous 
ancl  important  Deficiencies  in  his  Narrative.  He 
doubtlefs  felt  himfelf  obliged  to  comprefs  his  Ma 
terials  as  much  as  poflible,  fo  as  not  to  make  a 
large  Book;  for  in  his  Time  there  were  but  few 
Buyers  of  even  fmall  Books. 

There  may  be  thofe  difpofed  to  berate  and  under 
value  the  Works  of  all  the  early  Mathers,  and  to 
confider  them  of  little  or  no  Account.  To  fuch  the 
Editor  would  fay,  that  with  full  Coniideration  of 
the  Condition  of  Society  in  New  England  when  the 
Mathers  wrote,  he  thinks  they  would  change  their 


IntroduSory  by  the  Editor.          vii 

Opinion.  We  can  have  but  a  vague  and  indifferent 
View  of  the  State  which  our  Ancestors  pafled 
through,  except  by  their  Works.  By  beftowing  a 
little  Attention  upon  thefe  we  have  in  our  Minds  a 
very  good  Picture  of  the  Steps  by  which  we  have 
arrived  at  our  partially  civilized  Exiftence.  To  the 
Mathers  then  we  owe  a  great  deal,  and  we  can 
acknowledge  it  without  endorfing  their  peculiar 
Tenets  or  fubjecting  ourfelves  to  the  Charge  of  fhar- 
ing  in  the  Superftitions  and  Bigotry  of  their  Age. 
But  a  faint  and  imperfect  Opinion  can  be  formed 
of  the  Condition  of  New  England  from  the  brief 
Chronicles  of  the  Period  of  the  Pequot  War.  The 
Author  is  a  good  deal  more  Minute  refpecting  that 
War  than  any  of  the  early  Writers  upon  it ;  but  even 
from  him  we  have  a  very  incoherent  Narrative. 
He  did  not  poffefs  all  of  the  printed  Accounts— 
neither  Underbill's  nor  Vincent's  ;  yet  they  are  in- 
difpenfable  —  being  both  by  Eye-witnefles  of  the 
principal  military  Operations.  Gardiner's  Hiftory 
was  not  published,  and  its  Exiftence  does  not  ap 
pear  to  have  been  known  to  Mr.  Mather.  In 
fome  Refpects  it  is  the  moft  valuable  of  the  con 
temporary  Records  of  the  War.  It  gives  us  a  poli 
tical  View,  and  with  an  "  old  foldier's  "  -Honefty. 
Mafon's  Hiftory  the  Author  pofl'effed,  though 


viii         Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

under  another  Name.  It  came  into  Mr.  Mather's 
Hands  from  Mr.  John  Allyn,  then  "  Secretary  of 
"  Connecticut  Colony,"  who  appears  to  have  tran- 
fcribed  it  with  various  Alterations  and  Additions,  and 
allowed  it  to  pafs  for  his  own  Work.  Mr.  Mather 
fays  he  prints  it  "  without  the  lead  Alteration  as  to 
"  Senfe,  and  very  little  as  to  the  Words."  As  Mafon's 
Work  was  afterwards  printed  as  Mafon  left  it ;  a 
comparifon  will  mow  what  Liberties  Mr.  Allyn 
took  with  it.  Some  of  thefe  Liberties  will  be 
pointed  out  in  the  Notes. 

We  are  told  by  the  Author  of  a  very  important 
manufcript  Account  of  the  Pequot  War  which  he 
found  in  the  Library  of  a  brother  Minifter,  but  he 
was  not  able  to  learn  the  Name  of  the  Author ;  and 
as  if  to  prevent  Others  from  learning,  he  does  not 
tell  us  in  whofe  Library  he  found  it.  He  feems  to 
have  given  us  the  Subftance  of  it,  and  that  confirms 
what  he  fays  of  its  Importance.  But  had  he  been 
at  the  Pains  to  collect  Everything  he  could,  manu 
fcript  and  printed,  and  compofed  a  faithful  Hiftory 
from  Materials  fo  collected,  we  might  have  had  a 
much  better  Hiftory  of  the  Pequot  War  than  we 
now  poflefs.  He  does  not  feem  to  have  profited 
at  all  by  Correfpondence,  and  not  much  from  Con- 
veriation  with  thofe  living  in  the  Time  of  the  War, 
or  their  Defendants.  In  his  Detail  of  Tranfactions 


IntroduBory  by  the  Editor.  ix 

he  is  provokingly  lilent  refpecting  thofe  who  per 
formed  them.  This  was  a  ferious  Fault  of  nearly  all 
Writers  of  Hiftory  of  that  as  well  as  a  previous  Age. 
Often  no  Name  is  mentioned  but  that  of  the  Leader 
of  the  Expedition ;  and  thus  Oblivion  hangs  over 
the  Memory  of  thofe  who  expofed  their  Lives  to  all 
the  Dangers  of  a  moft  dangerous  Service,  for  the  Be 
nefit  of  us  who  come  after  them;  thus  denying  their 
Pofterity  the  Gratification  of  honouring  their 
Names. 

Perhaps  we  ought  not  to  complain  of  Deficien 
cies  in  our  early  Authors,  but  rather  to  be  thankful 
they  have  given  us  fo  much  as  they  have.  But 
the  Reader  of  this  Hiftory  will  not  fail  to  obferve, 
without  our  calling  his  Attention  to  fuch  Facts  as 
the  following -.—That  he  hears  Nothing  of  the 
Agency  of  Roger  Williams  in  preventing  a  Union 
between  the  Pequots  and  Narraganfets  for  the 
avowed  Destruction  of  the  Englifh  ;  Nothing  about 
the  Efforts  of  Lieut.  Gardiner  in  fecuring  the 
Friendship  of  the  Long  Ifland  Indians;  Nothing 
about  the  DifTatisfadtion  of  Plymouth  in  regard  to 
the  War ;  Nothing  about  the  Complaints  of  Con 
necticut  that  MafTachufetts  had  unneceflarily 
brought  on  the  War ;  and  Nothing  about  the 
relative  Strength  of  the  Colonies.  And  yet  thefe 

Subjects  are  as  Pillars  to  a  Superftructure. 
B 


x  Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

It  is  true  that  Writers  near  the  Time  of  an  Event 
are  necefTarily  deficient  in  documentary  Vouchers. 
But  few  Letters  were  written  at  the  Period  of  the 
Pequot  War,  and  of  that  few  but  a  Moiety  ever 
come  to  Light.  Important  Letters  pafled  between 
Governor  Vane  and  Lieut.  Gardiner,  but  none  of 
them  have  been  preferved ;  at  leaft  none  have 
been  difcovered.  Mafon  perhaps  never  wrote  one 
while  upon  his  Expeditions,  nor  was  it  neceflary, 
as  he  returned  Home  about  as  foon  as  a  MefTenger 
could  have  performed  the  Service  of  Bearer  of  Dif- 
patches.  Captain  Stoughton1  from  the  Army  fent 
Home  Letters.  Officials  at  Home  wrote  Letters 
about  the  War.  Winthrop  on  the  Part  of  MafTa- 
chufetts.  Winflow*  on  that  of  Plymouth.  Roger 
Williams  wrote  many.  We  have  one,  and  but 
one,  from  the  benevolent  Mr.  John  Humfrey.s 
Among  them  all,  faving  thofe  of  Humfrey  and 
Williams,4  we  find  no  Expreffions  counfelling  Mild- 
nefs,  Forbearance  or  Mercy  towards  the  Indians. 

1  See  Appendix  A.  peared,  in  which  he  fays,  in  refer 

ence   to   the   captive  Pcquots — "I 

2  See  Appendix  B«  much  rejoice  [to  learn  by  Captain 

Patrick]   that  fome  of  the  Chiefe 

3  See  Appendix  C.  [Men]  at  Quonihticut  (Mr.  Heynes 

and  Mr.  Ludlow),  are  almoft  averfe 

4  Since  the  above  was  written,  a     from  killing  Women  and  Children." 
Letter  of  Roger  Williams  has  ap-     — Mafs.  Hift.  Colls.  36,  196. 


Introductory  by  the  Editor.  xi 

Nor  is  this  fo  much  to  be  wondered  at,  taking  the 
actual  Condition  of  the  Country  into  View — the 
very  few  white  People  then  in  New  England,  and 
thofe  fcattered  along  a  vaft  Extent  of  Sea-coaft  for 
two  or  three  hundred  Miles,  with  an  unknown 
Number  of  Indians  on  every  Hand — -all  jealous  of 
thofe  Intruders.  Knowing  that  the  Indians  might 
at  any  time  combine  and  deftroy  them  while  in 
their  Weaknefs,  they  thought  it  neceflary  for  their 
own  Prefervation  to  divide  this  jealous  People  as 
much  as  poflible.  And  here  it  is  fitting  to  remark 
that  Jealoulies  always  grow  up,  fpontaneoufly,  as  it 
were,  between  Races  or  Sections,  where  one  is 
fuperior  to  the  other  in  any  Refpect.  The  more 
ignorant  Race  or  Section  always  fofters  this  Jealoufy 
into  Envy,  and  from  Envy  into  deadly  Hoftility.  It 
was  thus  arofe  the  prefent  moft  iniquitous  Southern 
Rebellion.  The  Indians  were  perfect  Seceflionifts. 
Their  Philofophy  of  Liberty  taught  nothing 
higher  in  the  Scale  of  Government.  Hence  they 
were  conftantly  breaking  up  into  diftind:  Commu 
nities  or  Clans.  Several  of  thefe  Clans  or  Commu 
nities  were  ufually  called  a  Tribe ;  and  a  Tribe 
held  together  no  longer  than  it  fuited  the  Con 
venience  of  its  individual  Members.  Seceffion  was 
at  all  times  imminent,  and  although  the  Parties  were 


xii          Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

conftantly  reaping  the  bitter  Fruits  of  Seceffion, 
they  had  "  no  Power  to  prevent  it,"  as  was  averred 
by  a  recent  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  in 
refpect  to  the  American  Union :  thus  virtually 
acknowledging  that  the  Government  of  the  Union 
was  not  in  Advance  of  that  of  the  Indians ! 

All  barbarous  Nations  are  natural  Seceders.  In 
capable  of  binding  themfelves  together  by  any 
written  Compact,  the  remedy  for  every  Grievance, 
real  or  imaginary,  was  Defertion  or  Seceffion  of  the 
Party  fo  aggrieved.  Thus,  continually  weakened,  a 
Tribe  became  nearly  powerlefs  to  every  foreign  Foe. 
No  Confederacy  could  hold  together  any  Length  of 
Time,  becaufe  private  Ends  were  fuperiour  to 
publick  Good.  The  Pequots  feceded  from  an  in 
land  Tribe,  and  no  fooner  were  they  permanently 
feated  upon  the  Borders  of  the  River  bearing  their 
Name,  but  a  difaffected  Party  broke  from  them, 
and  became  known  as  the  Mohegans. 

Precedents  were  never  wanting  for  Seceffion 
among  a  barbarous  People.  They  acknowledged 
no  Law  but  that  of  the  ftrongeft.  Their  Exiftence 
depended  upon  their  Ability  to  keep  forcible  Pof- 
feffion  of  whatever  Place  they  found  themfelves 
porTerTed  of,  or  in  their  ability  to  difpofTefs  a  neigh 
bouring  Community.  From  Time  immemorial  this 


Introductory  fy  the  Editor.         xiii 

had  been  their  State  of  Exiftence,  and  they  had  no 
other  Traditions  for  their  Guidance.  Hence  they 
lived  in  continual  Fear;  always  in  Expectation  of 
an  Attack  from  one  difpoflefled  Clan  or  another,  as 
their  Progenitors,  near  and  remote,  had  been.  This 
was  the  State  of  the  Indians  in  New  England  when 
the  firft  white  People  became  acquainted  with 
them.  When  the  Pilgrims  came  to  Plymouth, 
the  Narraganfets  were  threatening  the  Wampa- 
noags,  and  this  was  found  to  be  the  Secret  of  the 
ready  Compliance  of  the  Latter  to  the  Wifhes  of 
their  white  Vifitors ;  and  when  thefe  travelled  to 
the  Bottom  of  the  Bay  they  found  the  Country  had 
been  defolated  by  a  barbarous  War  between  the 
Maflachufetts  and  Tarratines.  The  Mohegans  had 
broken  from  the  Pequots,  and  War  exifted  between 
them.  Other  Wars  doubtlefs  exifted  between  other 
Tribes.  None  of  thefe  Wars  could  be  attributed  to 
the  evil  Influences  of  white  Men.  At  trie  fame 
Time  it  is  clear  that  in  fuch  a  State  of  Exiftence 
Seceffion  was  continually  going  on,  and  confequent- 
ly  Wars  muft  be  perpetual.  Yet  fome  modern 
Writers  have  aflerted  that  Indians  were  peaceful 
and  not  given  to  Treachery  before  they  had  been 
learned  to  be  fo  through  their  Intercoufe  with 
Europeans.  This  Affertion  is-  pretty  fully  difpofed 


xiv          Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

of  by  what  has  been  fhown  to  have  been  the  real 
Condition  of  the  Country  at  and  immediately  after 
its  Difcovery  and  Settlement  by  the  Englim.  That 
the  Wars  among  the  Indians  generally  originated 
in  bad  Faith  is  fcarcely  to  be  doubted,  it  being  con 
ceded  that  Indians  are  much  like  other  Races  of 
Men,  and  that  they  are  made  up  of  good  and  bad 
Elements. 

Roger  Williams  (and  no  man  ever  knew  the  In 
dians  better),  relates  this  remarkable  Cafe  of 
Treachery  among  them  in  his  Vicinity  in  1637: 
"  The  laft  Day  of  the  Weeke  [Saturday  July  loth  ?] 
"  Wequafh  the  Pequt  Guide  neere  Hand,  flue  his 
"  Countryman  Saflawwaw,  a  Pequt,  alfo  Miantun- 
"  nomues  fpecial  Darling,  and  a  kind  of  Generall  of 
"  his  Forces.  There  was  Yefterday  fome  Tumult 
"  about  it  becaufe  Wequafh  Hues  with  Canounicus, 
"  and  Miantunnomu  purfues  the  Revenge  and  Juf- 
"  tice,  &c."  That  is  to  fay,  the  Narraganfets  required 
Vengeance  to  be  taken  on  that  Pequot  in  Juftice  for 
Wrongs  done  them.  Mr.  Williams  fpeaks  of  the 
Juftnefs  of  the  Execution  thus  : — "  Although  We- 
"  quaih  it  may  be  haue  treacheroufly  allmoft,  flaiii 
"  him,  yet  I  fee  the  righteous  Hand  of  the  moft 
"  High  Judge,  thus  :  SarTawwaw  turned  to  [joined] 
"  the  Nanhiggonficks  and  againe  pretends  a  Returne 


Introductory  by  the  Editor.          xv 

"  to  the  Pequts,  gets  them  forth  the  laft  Yeare 
"  againft  the  Nanhiggonficks  and  fpying  Advantage, 
"  flue  the  chiefe  Pequt  Captain  and  whips  off  his 
"  Head,  and  fo  againe  [returns]  to  the  Nanhiggon- 
"  fick  :  their  Treacheries  exceede  Machiavills,"  &c. 

In  another  Letter  to  the  fame  Party  he  recom 
mends  dealing  with  them  wifely  and  juftly,  as 
with  Wolves  endowed  with  men's  Brains. 

That  Civilization  is  not  compatible  with  the 
Indian  Character  has  been  clearly  eftablimed  by 
Experiments  oft  repeated.  The  Exceptions  in  favor 
of  fome  Tribes  difappear  with  thofe  Tribes.  Some 
two  hundred  years  Experience  has  pretty  conclu- 
fively  proved,  that  whenever  a  white  or  European 
Colony  locates  itfelf  near  an  Indian  Community, 
that  Community  melts  away ;  flowly  perhaps,  but 
fteadily  and  furely.  Well  has  Dryden  fome  where 
expreffed  the  Indian  Lamentation  : — 

"  Old  Prophecies  foretell  our  Fall  at  Hand 
"  When  bearded  Men  in  floating  Caftles  land." 

Indians  were  always  ready  to  "  drive  a  Trade  " 
with  any  People  who  vifited  them.  Moft  Euro 
peans  took  what  Advantages  they  could  of  their 
Simplicity.  The  firft  Settlers  of  Plymouth  gene 
rally  dealt  honourably  and  liberally  with  them. 
Perhaps  rather  more  Co  than  the  other  Colonifts  of 


xvi         IntroduElory  by  the  Editor. 

New  England.  But  it  mould  not  be  pretended 
that  Trade  was  not  an  Object  with  them ;  and  yet 
it  is  entirely  true  that  it  was  not  a  paramount  One 
originally. 

Indeed,  with  the  Exception  of  Plymouth  and 
one  or  two  others,  Settlements  were  made  with  a 
View  to  the  Benefits  arifing  from  Traffick  with  the 
Natives.  Perhaps  it  was  more  notorioufly  fo  with 
the  Spanifh  Settlers.  At  all  Events. the  Author  of 
Hudibras  has  in  his  inimitable  Way  fettled  the 
Matter  as  far  as  Song  can  fettle  Anything.  The 
following  Lines  were  intended  for  his  Hudibras,  but 
for  fome  Reafon  were  left  out.  The  PafTage  was 
preferved  by  the  celebrated  John  Aubrey,  F.  R.  S., 
and  is  as  follows : — 

"  No  Jefuit  e'er  took  in  Hand 

"  To  plant  a  Church  in  barren  Land ; 

"  Nor  ever  thought  it  worth  the  While 

"  A  Swede  or  Rufs  to  reconcile. 

"  For  where  there  is  no  Store  of  Wealth, 

*'  Souls  are  not  worth  the  Charge  of  Health ; 

"  Spain  in  America  had  two  Defigns, 

"  To  fell  their  Gofpel  for  their  Mines.1 

"  For,  had  the  Mexicans  been  poor, 

"  No  Spaniard  twice  had  landed  on  their  Shore." 

At  the  Time  the  Relation  was  written,  there 
were  but  Few  remaining  who  were  cotemporary 

i  Wines  in  Aubrey's  Mtfcels.  ii,  264, 


Introductory  by  the  Editor.        xvii 

with  the  Events  of  which  the  Author  treats.  In  a 
few  Inftances  he  feems  to  have  profited  by  Inform 
ation  obtained  from  fome  of  _  the  A<ftors  in  the 
Scenes  of  that  Day  :  But  I  do  not  remember  above 
two  or  three  Inftances.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
he  did  not  profit  more  by  fuch  Information.  Per 
haps  he  thought  there  might  be  Danger  of  draw 
ing  too  freely  from  fuch  Sources,  not  imagining 
that  that  Kind  of  Information  would  be  more 
valued  than  moft  other  by  fucceeding  Hiftorians. 
But  when  we  take  a  near  View  of  a  Writer  of 
his  own  Times,  and  compare  what  he  has  done 
with  what  is  being  done  in  our  own,  it  may  be  we 
{hall  be  found  quite  as  delinquent  as  thofe  who 
have  gone  before  us.  For  who  of  us  does  not 
have  Reafon  to  regret  his  RemifTnefs  under  fimilar 
Circumftances  ?  Who  has  not  neglected  to  inquire 
of  aged  Relatives  and  other  Predeceflbrs  concern 
ing  family  and  other  Memorials  while  they  were 
able  to  give  Information  ?  In  confidering  this 
Matter  no  one  will  fail  to  recur  to  our  Want  of 
Knowledge  refpedting  our  Progenitors  in  the  Land 
whence  they  came.  Becaufe  the  almoft  entire  Lack 
of  this  Kind  of  Information  is  quite  remarkable ; 
infomuch  that  fcarcely  one  Family  in  fifty  of  the 
prefent  Day  has  any  Knowledge  whence,  or  when 
C 


xviii       IntroduEiory  by  the  Editor. 

its  Anceftors  emigrated.  In  the  Memorials  they 
have  left  us,  fo  feldom  is  Anceftry  referred  to  that 
we  are  led  to  doubt  if  it  were  not  deiignedly  fo. 
We  indeed  fometimes  find  in  Documents  of  a 
bufmefs  Nature  the  Country  mentioned,  as,  "  my 
Kindred  in  Old  England,"  and  fimilar  vague  Ex- 
preffions. 

Notwithftanding  Dr.  Mather's  Works  are  moftly 
theological,  and  the  greater  Part  of  them  were 
produced  folely  to  enforce  theological  Views,  there 
is  neverthelefs  fcarcely  any  of  them  into  which  he 
does  not  bring  fome  valuable  hiftorical  Facts  ; 
either  by  Preface  or  Note.  And  although  thefe 
are  fometimes  very  few,  they  are  almoft  the  only 
Parts  of  fuch  Works  of  the  leaft  Value  or  Intereft 
at  this  Day ;  and  but  for  thefe  incidental  Items 
many  of  them  would  hardly  have  reached  our 
Times.  And  although  Dr.  Mather  was  a  man 
poffefled  of  highly  refpectable  Talents,  there  is  in 
deed  a  wonderful  Contrail  between  his  political 
Sagacity  and  Wifdom,  and  his  Details  of  certain 
Affairs  requiring  the  moft  ftupid  Credulity.  Com 
pare  his  Acts  in  bringing  about  the  Revolution  of 
j688  with  the  following  Details  :  "  A  poor  Man 
"  being  fufpected  to  have  ftolen  a  Sheep  was  quel- 
"  tioned  for  it ;  he  forefwore  the  Thing,  and  wifhed, 


IntroduSlroy  by  the  Editor.         xix 

"  that  if  he  had  flolen  it,  God  would  caufe  the 
"  Horns  of  the  Sheep  to  grow  upon  him.  This 
"  Man  was  feen  within  thefe  few  dayes  by  a  Min- 
"  ifter  of  great  Repute  for  Piety,  who  faith  that 
"  the  Man  hath  an  Horn  growing  out  of  one 
"  Corner  of  his  Mouth,  juft  like  that  of  a  Sheep; 
"  from  which  he  hath  cut  feventeen  inches,  and  is 
"  forced  to  keep  it  tyed  by  a  String  to  his  Ear, 
"  to  prevent  its  growing  up  to  his  Eye.  This 
"  Minifter  not  only  faw  but  felt  this  Horn." 

This  Circumflance  is  faid  to  have  happened  in 
1658,  in  Lifmore  in  Ireland;  and  though  it  came 
fecond  hand  to  our  Author  he  believed  the  Story  im 
plicitly,  and  publimed  it  in  his  Remarkable  Provi 
dences.  One  other  will  fuffice  for  prefent  Illustration. 
In  the  fame  curious  Work,  fpeaking  of  remarkable 
Cafes  of  Thunder  and  Lightning,  this  is  recorded  : 
"  It  is  not  Herefie  to  believe  that  Satan  has  fome- 
"  times  a  great  Operation  in  cauling  Thunder 
"  Storms.  I  know  this  is  vehemently  denied  by 
"  fome :  the  late  Witch  Advocates  [thofe  who  de- 
"  fended  the  fo  called  Witches]  call  it  Blafphemy  ; 
"  and  an  old  Council  did  anathmatize  the  Men  that 
"  are  thus  perfwaded ;  but  by  their  Favour  an  ortho- 
"  dox  and  rational  Man  may  be  of  the  Opinion 
"  that  when  the  Devil  has  before  him  the  Vapours 


xx          Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

"  and  Materials  out  of  which  the  Thunder  and 
"  Lightning  are  generated,  his  Art  is  fuch  as  that 
"  he  can  bring  them  into  Form.  If  Chymifts  can 
"  make  their  a urum  fulminous,  what  ftrange  Things 
"  may  this  infernal  Chymift  efFedt  ?  The  Holy 
"  Scriptures  intimate  as  much  as  this  cometh  to. 
"  In  the  facred  Story  concerning  Job,  we  find  that 
"  Satan  did  raife  a  great  Wind  which  blew  down 
"  the  Houfe  where  Job's  Children  were  fafting. 
"  And  it  is  faid  that  the  Fire  of  God  fell  from 
"  Heaven  and  burnt  up  the  Sheep  and  the  Servants. 
"  This  was  no  doubt  Thunder  and  Lightning,  and 
"  fuch  as  was  extraordinary,  and  is  therefore  ex- 
"  prefled  with  the  name  of  God,  as  is  uiual  amongft 
"  the  Hebrews.  Satan  had  a  deep  Policy  in  going 
"  that  way  to  work,  thereby  hoping  to  make  Job 
"  believe  God  was  his  Enemy." 

There  feems  to  have  been  no  Teft  by  which  it 
could  be  fatisfactorily  determined  to  which  Power 
an  apparently  mifchievous  Phenomenon  was  to  be 
attributed.  Hence  there  was  Danger  of  charging 
an  Event  to  the  wrong  Party.  But  our  Fathers  do 
not  feem  to  have  entertained  many  confcientious 
Scruples  about  overcharging  the  Devil,  and  appear 
willing  to  make  him  the  Scape-  goat  in  all  dubious 
Cafes,  not  giving  him  even  the  benefit  of  a  Doubt. 


Introductory  by  the  Editor.        xxi 

Among  the  Signers  to  a  Commendation  of  our 
Author's  Cafes  of  Conference  concerning  Witch- 
craft>  publifhed  in  1693,  is  that  of  the  venerable 
William  Hubbard.  How  far  he  endorfed  all  the 
Views  exprefled  in  that  Work  cannot  be  certainly 
known  ;  but  the  Fad:  of  his  Signature  being  there 
is  prefumptive  Evidence  of  his  general  AiTent  to  its 
Principles.  Including  Mr.  Hubbard,  there  were 
fourteen  Signers,  and  thefe  were  the  principal  Min- 
ifters  in  this  Part  of  New  England. 

Thefe  Minifters  fay,  "That  there  are  Devils 
"  and  Witches ;  the  Scripture  aflerts,  and  Experi- 
"  ence  confirms  that  they  are  common  Enemies  of 
"  Mankind,  and  fet  upon  Mifchief,  is  not  to  be 
"  doubted :  That  the  Devil  can  (by  Divine  Per- 
"  miflion)  and  often  doth  vex  Men,  in  Body  and 
"  Eftate,  without  the  Inftrumentality  of  Witches, 
"  is  undeniable."  If  the  Commendators  had  left 
the  Matter  here,  their  Credit  would  ftand  much 
better  in  this  Age,  but  they  go  on  :  "  That  he 
"  often  hath  and  delights  to  have  the  Concurrence 
"  of  Witches,  and  their  Confent  in  harming  Men, 
"  is  confonant  to  his  native  Malice  to  Man,  and 
"  too  lamentably  exemplified  :  That  Witches, 
"  when  detected  and  convicted,  ought  to  be  exter- 
"  minated  and  cut  off,  we  have  God's  Warrant  for." 


xxii        Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

It  will  be  feen  that  thefe  Obfervations  are  pretty 
carefully  worded,  and  that  although  the  Exiftence 
of  Devil  and  Witches  could  not  be  denied,  a  grand 
Queftion,  very  difficult  to  be  difpofed  of,  naturally 
prefents  itfelf — fuch  as,  if  the  Devil  can  ad:  with 
out  the  Agency  of  a  Witch,  how  is  it  to  be  deter 
mined  when  he  employs  their  Agency  ? 

Neverthelefs  thefe  fourteen  Minifters  fay  in  Con- 
clufion,  "  All  that  we  are  concerned  in,  is  to  afiert 
"  our  hearty  Confent  to,  and  Concurrence  with 
"  the  Subftance  of  what  is  contained  in  the  follow- 
"  ing  Difcourfe." 

In  the  Poftfcript  to  the  Cafes  of  Conference,  the 
Author  feems  as  far  gone  as  his  Son  in  the  Witch 
Delufion.  Perhaps  the  Fourteen1  did  not  include 
the  Poftfcript  in  their  Commendation.  Indeed  it 
is  quite  probable  they  knew  Nothing  of  it  until 

i  Their  Names  as  figned  to  the  Samuel  Angier 

original    Commendation    are    very  Nehemiah  Walter 

differently  arranged  in  the  printed  [Thus  far  in  Dr.  Mather's  hand. 

Book ;  and  as  they  are  partly  Auto-  The  reft  are  Autographs^ 

graphs,  I  infert  them  here  as  they  James  Allen 

originally  flood  :  Sam11  Willard 

Charles  Morton  William  Hubbard 

Michael  Wigglefworth  Samuel  Phillips 

John  Bayly  Jofeph  Gerrifh 

Samuel  Whiting  Jn°  Wife 

Jabez  Fox  Jofeph  Capen. 


IntroduElory  by  the  Editor.       xxiii 

after  the  Book  was  printed.  In  that  Addenda  Mr. 
Mather  fays,  if  he  had  been  one  of  the  Judges  at 
the  Trial  of  Mr.  Burroughs,  he  could  not  have 
acquitted  him.  And  in  the  fame  Poftfcript  he 
fays,  "  Some  I  hear  have  taken  up  a  Notion  that 
"  the  Book  newly  published  by  my  Son  [Wonders 
"  of  the  Invifible  World}  is  contradictory  to  this  of 
"  mine  :  'Tis  ftrange  that  fuch  Imaginations  mould 
"  enter  into  the  Minds  of  Men  :  I  perufed  and 
"  approved  of  that  Book  before  it  was  printed." 
Hence  it  is  apparent  that  the  elder  Mather  was  at 
heart  as  much  inclined  to  punim  Witches  as  the 
younger.  The  only  Difference  being  in  their  Tem 
peraments  :  the  elder  was  flow  and  cautious,  while 
the  younger  was  fanguine  and  impetuous. 

This  Poftfcript,  in  which  thefe  ftrong  Convic 
tions  are  found,  did  not  probably  appear  in  the 
original  Edition  of  the  Cafes  of  Conference.  I  have 
a  manufcript  Copy  of  it  (chiefly  in  the  Autograph 
of  the  Author)  to  which  there  is  no  Poftfcript. 

As  has  been  elfewhere  obferved,  that  although 
Dr.  Mather's  Works  are  chiefly  Theological,  almoft 
all  of  them  contain  fome  valuable  Facts.  He  is 
treated  rather  cruelly  by  Mr.  Oldmixon  in  his  ac 
count  of  the  Briti/h  Dominions  in  North  America, 
which  is  duly  noticed  by  his  Biographer,  and 


xxiv       IntroduSiory  by  the  Editor. 

fcarcely  requires  to  be  alluded  to  here.  All  that 
need  be  faid  refpedting  the  fevere  Attack  of  Old- 
mixon  is,  that  it  principally  relates  to  his  preaching. 
This  Confideration  alone  renders  his  Criticifms  of 
no  Value  at  this  Day. 

There  is  no  Biography  fo  valuable  and  intereft- 
ing  as  Autobiography.  Under  this  Conviction  I 
have  made  the  following  Extracts  from  Dr.  Ma 
ther's  Preface  to  a  fmall  Volume  of  Sermons,  enti 
tled  Awakening  Truths,  &c.,  publifhed  by  him  in 
Bofton  in  an  18 mo  Volume,  1710.  He  fays: 

*'  I  was  by  my  Parents  devoted  to  the  Service  of 
«  God  in  the  Gofpel  of  Jefus  Chrijl.  What 
"  my  Father  was  in  Lancajhire  in  England,  all 
"  New  England  knows.  And  many  will  blefs 
**  God  to  Eternity,  that  ever  they  did  know  him. 
"  God  has  moreover  been  fo  gracious  as  to  give  me 
"  to  be  born  of  a  fingularly  pious,  praying,  holy 
"  Mother.  On  her  Death-bed,  me  delired  to 
"  fpeak  with  me  her  youngeft  Son  :  All  that  me 
"  faid  to  me,  was,  For  the  Lords  fake  do  thou  devote 
"  thyfelf  to  the  Work  of  the  Miniflry ;  and  remember 
"  that  Scripture,  They  that  turn  many  to  Right  eouf- 
"  nefs,  Jhall  Jhine  as  the  Stars  forever  and  ever. 
"  From  that  Day  I  refolved  if  the  Lord  would  fpare 
"  my  life,  to  obey  that  laft  Advice  of  my  Parent.  I 


Introductory  by  the  Editor.        xxv 

"  was  then  a  Youth,  but  fixteen  Years  old,  having 
"  been  in  the  Colledge  but  four  Years.  It  is  im- 
"  poffible  for  me  to  declare  what  Impreffion  thofe 
"  laft  Words  of  my  dying  Mother  had  upon  my 
"  Spirit.  God  has  been  fo  favourable  to  me,  as  to 
"  uphold  me  (the  moft  unworthy)  in  His  Work,  as 
"  a  publick  Preacher  of  His  Word,  for  the  Space 
"  of  more  than  fifty  Years ;  and  this  occafionally 
"  in  very  many  Congregations,  and  in  four  feveral 
"  Lands.  In  many  places  in  England,  in  Gloucefter, 
"  and  in  many  AfTemblies  in  Devon,  and  in  Dorfet  ; 
"  but  efpecially  in  and  near  the  City  of  London,  in 
"  Ireland,  in  Guernjey ;  in  New  England,  very  often 
"  to  the  young  Students  in  Cambridge,  when  for 
"  many  Years  I  prefided  over  them,  but  moftly  in 
"  Bofton.  It  being  now  upwards  of  48  years  fince 
"  I  began  my  publick  Miniftry  in  this  great  Town, 
"  where  I  have  ever  fince  been  conftantly  Labour- 
"  ing,  excepting  thofe  4  Years,  when  I  was  em- 
"  ployed  in  England  in  Service  for  the  Churches  in 
"  New  England.1' 

This  Preface  is  dated — "  Bofton  Nov.  9,  1709." 

"  'The  prefent    Generation    in    New  England  is 

"  lamentably  degenerate.    As  fometimes  Mofes  fpake 

"  to  the  Children  of  Ifrael,  Numb.  32.  14.    Behold 

'•'  ye  are  rifen  up  in  .your  Father's  flead  an  increafe 

D 


xxvi       Introdu&ory  by  the  Editor. 

"  of  finful  Men.  So  may  we  fay,  the  firft  Genera- 
"  tion  of  Chriftians  in  New  England,  is  in  a  Man- 
"  ner  gone  off  the  Stage,  and  there  is  another  and 
"  more  {inful  Generation  rifen  up  in  their  ftead. 
"  We  have  in  former  Years  enjoyed  a  Sun-mine  of 
"  Profperity,  and  that  hath  been  attended  (as  ufeth 
"  to  be)  with  great  Apoftafy.  It  is  an  apt  Simili- 
"  tude  which  fome  ufe,  that  as  the  Heat  of  the  Sun 
"  in  Summer  breeds  a  multitude  of  Infefts,  fo  doth 
"  the  warmth  of  Profperity  a  Multitude  of  Apof- 
"  tates.  Men  are  loth  to  hear  on  this  Ear,  but  [64] 
"  if  we  mould  deny  it,  the  Lord  doth  teftify  againft 
"  us  that  it  is  fo,  as  loel.  i.  2.  Hear  this  ye  old  Men 
"  and  give  Ear  all  ye  Inhabitants  of  the  Land,  hath 
"  this  been  in  your  Dayes,  or  even  in  the  Dayes  of  your 
"  Fathers,  faith  the  Lord.  Were  there  (faith  the 
"  Prophet)  fuch  Judgements  formerly  as  now  there 
"  are,  you  may  therefore  conclude  that  you  are  de- 
"  parted  from  God,  and  by  your  Sins  have  provoked 
"  him  fo  to  punim  you.  Thus  may  it  be  fpoken 
"  with  reference  to  our  State  and  Cafe,  and  the  Dif- 
"  penfations  of  God  towards  us,  you  old  Men  that 
"  are  here  before  the  Lord  this  Day,  what  fay  you 
"  to  this  Question,  did  you  know  fuch  Judgements 
"  upon  New  England  formerly,  as  of  late  we  have 
"  feen  ?  was  it  fo  in  the  Dayes  of  our  Fathers  ? 


Introductory  by  the  Editor.      xxvii 

"  were  there  iuch  general  and  killing  Difeafes?  fuch. 
"  a  long  continuing  Warr  ?  fo  many  hundreds  cut 
"  off  by  the  Sword,  yea,  fo  many  hundred  Familyes 
"  brought  to  Ruine  ?  Candlefticks  removed  out  of 
"  their  Places,  and  Plantations  made  defolate  !  In 
"  former  Times  we  heard  of  little  befides  Settle- 
"  ment  of  Plantations,  and  gathering  of  Churches, 
"  but  of  late  Years,  in  ftead  of  that,  Ruins  have  been 
"  multiplied,  yea,  Mifchief  upon  Mifchief.  God 
"  hath  been  fpending  his  Arrows,  and  heaping 
"  Mifchief  upon  this  Generation.  This  Generation 
"  is  not  like  the  firft.  How  many  ignorant  Ones  ? 
"  how  many  fcandalous  Ones  ?  There  is  great 
"  Rudenefs  amongft  young  Ones  in  this  Land;  and 
"  in  that  refpect  degeneracy  from  the  good  Man- 
"  ners  of  the  Chriftian  World.  And  fuch  Sins  as 
"  were  not  formerly  known  in  New  England  are 
"  now  become  common,  fuch  as  fwearing,  linful 
"  gaming,  &c.  yea,  the  prefent  Generation  as  to 
"  the  Body  of  it,  is  an  unconverted  Generation  .... 
"  We  may  fee  here  and  there  one  that  hath  much 
"  of  his  bleffed  Father's  Spirit  and  Principles,  but 
"  how  rare  are  fuch  amongft  us?  Nay,  the  Intereft 
"  of  New  England  is  now  changed,  from  a  reli- 
"  gious  to  a  worldly  Intereft ;  and  in  this  Thing  is 
"  the  great  radical  Apoftafy  of  New  England.  Is 


xxviii      Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

"  not  this  to  chufe  a  ftrange  God  ?  Hence  do  we 
"  fee  Warr  in  the  Gates.  And  the  Lord  hath  been 
"  letting  this  Generation  blood  in  the  right  Vein, 
"  fince  he  hath  taken  the  World  away  from  them. 
"  Trade  is  almoft  ruined.  Farmes,  Oxen,  Mer- 
"  chandize,  which  Things  have  been  fought  after 
"  in  the  firft  Place,  how  have  they  failed  ?  New 
"  England  is  not  like  this  twenty  Years,  to  be  in 
"  that  comfortable  Eftate  it  was  in  but  two  Years 
"  agoe."  P.  65. 

The  State  of  Families  with  refped:  to  Govern 
ment  is  thus  laid  open  in  the  fame  Election  Ser 
mon  in  the  before  mentioned  Volume  : 

"Families  are  the  Nurceryes  for  Church  and 
"  Commonwealth,  ruine  Families,  and  ruine  all. 
"  Order  them  well  and  the  publick  State  will  fare 
"  the  better ;  the  great  Wound  and  Mifery  of  New 
"  England  is  that  Families  are  out  of  Order.  As 
"  to  the  generality  of  Houfeholders,  Family  Govern- 
"  ment  is  loft  and  gone ;  Servants  do  not  fear  their 
"  Mafters,  Children  do  not  honour  their  Parents, 
"  in  that  refpect  the  Englijh  are  become  like  unto 
"  the  Indians."  P.  91. 

The  Author  was  quite  as  hopelefs  of  Old  Eng 
land  as  New  feveral  Years  later,  and  in  his  Preface 
to  Ichabod  thus  difcourfes :  "  England  (in  whofe 


IntroduEiory  by  the  Editor.       xxix 

"  Peace  we  mall  have  Peace)  feems  to  be  ripe  for 
"  Judgment.  The  grievous  National  Sins  com- 
"  mitted  in  the  late  Reigns  have  not  yet  been  ac- 
"  counted  [atoned]  for.  Never  was  there  a  Nation 
"  in  the  World  (the  Jewim  excepted)  that  finned 
"  againft  the  Light  of  the  Gofpel  fo  as  the  Englifh 
"  Nation  has."  P.  8.  This  Train  of  Thought  was 
fuggefted  to  the  Author's  Mind  in  View  of  his 
Apprehenfions  that  Popery  had  taken,  or  was  about 
to  take  PorTeflion  of  the  Englifh  Government. 
His  Fears  were  not  only  for  England,  as  the  fol 
lowing  ParTage  mows  :  "  Things  at  this  Day,  look 
"  with  a  Difmal  Afpedt,  on  all  Proteftant  Churches 
"  throughout  the  World." 

The  Millenium  had  been  confidently  looked  for 
"  about  thefe  Times,"  but  rather  defpairingly  at  the 
Beginning  of  the  laft  Century,  owing  to  the  be 
lieved  Increafe  of  Popery.  Mr.  Mather  fays  :  "  So 
"  as  that  fome  who  not  long  fince  hoped  that  the 
"  happy  Dayes  promifed  to  the  Church  on  Earth, 
"  were  at  the  Door,  begin  now  to  fear  that  the  laft 
"  Slaughter  of  the  Witneffes  is  yet  to  come." 

About  1710  our  Author  publimed  "A  Difcourfe 
"  concerning  Faith  and  Fervency  in  Prayer,  and 
"  the  Glorious  Kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jefus  Chrift, 
"  on  Earth,  now  approaching.  Delivered  in  feve- 


xxx        Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

"  ral  Sermons ;  in  which  the  Signs  of  the  prefent 
"  Times  are  confidered,"  &c.  In  this  Work  the 
learned  Author  argued  very  much  as  the  Followers 
of  the  late  William  Miller  argued  reflecting  the 
End  of  the  World.  I  have  not  feen  a  Copy  of  the 
original  Edition,  and  am  indebted  to  the  Kindnefs 
of  Mr.  Thomas  Waterman  for  the  Ufe  of  a  Copy 
of  the  Work  printed  at  Newry,  in  Ireland,  as  late 
as  1820.  It  was  republifhed  "  by  Matthew  Lank- 
"  tree,  Minifter  of  the  Gofpel  among  the  Method- 
"  ifts."  Mr.  Lanktree  fays  in  his  Title-page,  that 
he  has  "  carefully  revifed  and  corrected  it."  For 
its  Reproduction  in  that  iingular  "  Corner  of  the 
World,"  we  can  only  account  by  a  Prefumption 
that  a  millenial  Excitement  then  prevailed  there, 
and  that  fome  Accident  threw  a  Copy  of  the  Ori 
ginal  in  the  Way  of  Mr.  Lanktree.  Hence  it  ap 
pears  that  "End  of-the- world"  Excitements  are 
no  new  Things,  and  are  in  a  Manner  periodical. 
That  of  the  greateft  Note  in  modern  Times,  pro 
bably,  was  about  1588,  when  the  papal  Powers 
attempted  the  Conqueft  of  England,  by  the  Armada. 
In  1713  one  of  Dr.  Mather's  Sermons  was  re 
printed  in  Edinburgh,1  "  by  John  Reid,  in  Liber- 

1  The  only  Copy  of  this  Sermon  not  contained  in   the  Lift  of  Dr. 

which  has  ever  come  to  my  Know-  Mather's    Works  as  publiftied   by 

ledge,    is   owned    by  Mr.  W.  H.  his  Son.     There   are   alfo   feveral 

Whitmore,  who  remarks  that  it  is  others  not  found  in  the  Lift. 


Introductory  by  the  Editor.      xxxi 

ton's  Wynd."  Its  Title  is,  "  A  Sermon  {hewing, 
<;  that  the  prefent  Difpenfations  of  Providence  de- 
"  clare  That  wonderful  Revolutions  in  the  World  are 
"  near  at  Hand ;  with  an  Appendix,  fhewing  fome 
"  Scripture  Grounds  to  hope,  that  within  a  few 
"  Years,  glorious  Prophecies  and  Promifes  will  be 
"  fulfilled."  The  Scotch  Publimer  prints  the  fol 
lowing  on  the  reverfe  of  the  Title-page  :  "  To  the 
"  Reader.  The  Author  of  the  following  Sermon 
"  and  Appendix,  tho'  little  known  in  this  Country, 
"  is  much  efteemed  in  other  Places  of  the  World, 
"  for  his  great  Piety,  Learning,  and  Solidity.  For 
"  many  Years  he  has  been  a  burning  and  mining 
"  Light  in  the  Church :  Having  published  this 
"  Piece  laft  Year  in  Bofton,  he  lent  a  Copy  thereof 
"  to  his  Correfpondent  in  Scotland,  who,  according 
"  to  his  Delire  fignified  in  a  Letter,  doth  offer  it 
"  to  Publick  View,  hoping  it  will  not  be  unaccept- 
"  able  to  his  Country  Men." 

A  leading  Feature  in  Dr.  Mather's  Time  was  an 
almoft  univerfal  Belief  in  "  Special  Providences ;" 
and  the  recording  of  them  was  no  new  Idea  in  the 
Minds  of  the  learned  Men  of  that  Day.  There 
had  been,  in  the  Colonial  AfTembly  of  Plymouth, 
an  Agitation  of  the  Subject,  to  which  Mr.  Mather 
thus  refers  in  his  Election  Sermon  of  1 677.  After 


xxxii      Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

citing  Pfalms  Ixxviii  5  and  6,  and  cii,  18,  he  con 
tinues  :  "  I  perceive  that  fome  good  Men  are  afraid 
"  left  our  too  great  Negleft  in  this  Matter,  may  be 
"  one  thing  that  God  is  offended  at.  And  there 
"  be  two  Confiderations,  which  may  caufe  fuch 
"  Apprehenfions  not  to  feem  Groundlefs,  one  is  in 
"  that  this  Thing  hath  been  formerly  urged.  That 
"  faithful  Shepard  who  fpake  here  in  the  Name  of 
"  the  Lord  upon  the  like  Occalion,  five  years  agoe,  ' 
"  infifted  upon  this  very  Thing,  and  yet  the  Matter 
"  remains  unfinished  to  this  Day.  Moreover,  whilft 
"  the  Body  of  the  firft  Generation,  whom  God 
"  planted  in  this  Wildernefs  was  alive,  there  were 
'•  Effays  this  Way,  for  it *  was  propounded  to,  and 
"  concluded  amongft  the  Commiflioners  of  the 
"  United  Colonies  above  thirty  Years  agoe9  that 
"  there  mould  be  a  Collection  of  Special  Provi- 
"  dences  of  God  towards  his  New  England  People. 
"  And  that  Memorials  being  duly  communicated, 
"  an  Hiftory  mould  be  compiled  according  to 
"  Truth,  for  the  Benefit  of  Pofterity,  that  they 
"  might  fee  how  God  had  been  with  their  Fathers, 
"  in  laying  the  Foundation  of  the  Churches,  and 
"  of  the  Common  Wealth.  Now  that  fuch  Things 

1  Thomas  Shepard  preached  an         2  Records  of  the  Commiffioners, 
Election  Sermon,  1672.  Sept.  9,  1646. 


Introductory  by  the  Editor,    xxxiii 

"  mould  be  concluded,  and  yet  never  done,  cannot 
"  pleafe  God.  P.  71. 

A  Belief  in  "Special  Providences"  is  very  near 
akin  to  a  Belief  in  Witchcraft,  which  is  noticed  as 
a  prominent  Feature  of  that  Age. 

In  1718  Dr.  Mather  preached  a  Series  of  fifteen 
Sermons,  "  on  the  Beatitudes,  as  they  are  commonly 
"called,"  which  was  printed  in  Bofton  in  1719. 
The  fame  was  reprinted  in  Dublin  in  1721,  in  a 
handfome  octavo  Volume.  The  Preface  is  dated 
"  Bofton,  Auguft  8,  1718."  In  the  Clofe  of  this 
Preface  he  fays  :  "  Now  that  I  am  entred  on  the 
"  eightieth  Year  of  my  Age,  tranfcribing  is  irk- 
"  fome  to  my  trembling  Hand,"  &c. 

At  this  Time  he  fpoke  encouragingly  of  the 
Succefs  of  Chriftianity  among  the  Indians :  "  It  is 
"  a  great  Thing,"  he  remarks,  "  (although  little 
"  confidered  by  the  moft  among  us)  that  there  are 
"  at  this  Day,  not  lefs  than  thirty  Congregations 
"  of  Indians,  who  commonly  aflemble  every  Lord's 
"  Day,  to  worfhip  God.  And  there  are  above 
"  thirty  Indians  who  are  Teachers  and  Preachers 
"  of  the  Gofpel  to  their  Countrymen,  who  awhile 
"  ago  were  all  Pagans.  There  are  alfo  Churches 
"  among  them  gathered  according  to  the  Order  of 
"  the  Gofpel,  with  Paftors  and  Elders  of  their  own 
E 


xxxiv     Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

"  ordaining  with  the  Impofition  of  Hands.  And 
"  fome  of  the  Indians  are,  as  to  Religion  beyond 
"  many  of  the  Englifh  among  whom  they  live." 

About  eighteen  Years  earlier,1  he  however  fpoke 
with  great  Defpondency  of  the  Indians  and  their 
Religion.  "  Alas,"  he  exclaims,  "  What  can  we 
"  think  of,  that  has  been  the  Peculiar  Glory  of 
"  New  England,  but  the  blafting  Rebukes  of 
"  Heaven  has  been  upon  it !  That  Work  of  Gof- 
"  pelizing  the  INDIANS,  has  been  one  of  the  pe- 
"  culiar  Glories  of  Afew  England.  I  have  in  an- 
<f  other  Part  of  the  World,  heard  great  and  noble 
"  Perfonages,  and  thofe  too  of  feveral  Nations, 
"  fpeaking  honourably  of  New  England,  in  that 
"  there  the  whole  Bible  has  been  tranflated  into 
"  the  Indian  Language :  And  in  that  there  fome 
"  that  a  while  fince  were  Pagans  are  now  become 
"  Preachers  of  the  Gofpel.  I  have  received  Letters 
"  from  Men  in  Foreign  Unherfitiesy  fignifying  the 
"  Refpecl:  which  their  Divines  had  for  New  Eng- 
"  land  on  this  Account.  But  fince  the  Death  of 
"  that  Apoftolical  Man,  Old  Mr.  Eliot,  how  has 
"  that  glorious  Work  been  dwindling  and  dying  ? 
"  What  is  the  Firfl  Church  that  was  gathered 

1  In  his  Sermons  entitled  Icbabod,     ing  from  N.  England,  printed  1701, 
or,  the  Glory  of  the  Lord  is  Depart^     fee  Pages  66-7,  Edition  1729. 


Introduftory  by  the  Editor,      xxxv 

".  among  the  Natives  come  to  P1  There  was  of  late 
."  a  Defign  to  divert  thofe  Supplies  another  Way, 
"  whereby  the  Preaching  of  the  Gofpel  has  been 
"  fupported  among  the  Indians  in  this  Province, 
"  but  thofe  unhappy  Propofals  are  at  prefent  hap- 
"  pily  prevented  from  taking  Effect:  But  how 
"  foon  there  may  be  new  and  fatal  Attempts  of 
"  that  Nature  who  can  fay?  The  greateft  Num- 
"  ber  of  Indians  who  have  given  clear  Evidences 
"  of  real  Converiion  to  Chrift,  were  in  Martha's 
"  Vineyard,  where  there  was  of  them  a  confiderable 
"  Number  of  ferious  Chriftians,  but  God  has  fent 
"  Sicknefs  amongft  them  which  has  fwept  away 
"  moft  of  thofe  in  that  Place  who  were  of  Reputa- 
"  tion  for  Godlinefs  and  real  Chriftianity.  As  for 
"  many  of  thofe  Indians  who  now  make  a  Profef- 
"  fion  of  Chriftianity,  Men  who  pafs  under  the 
"  Name  of  Englijh  Protejlants  have  debauched 
"  them  with  Drink,  and  fo  made  them  more 
"  brutifh,  and  inglorious  Creatures ;  yea,  more  the 
"  Children  of  Hell  than  they  were  before  the  Light 
"  of  the  Gofpel  came  among  them.  So  then  that 
"  Glory  is  dolefully  departing." 

1  This  Firft  Indian  Church  was  Side  of  Charles  River,  in  what  is 
at  a  Place  called  by  the  Indians,  fince  Newton.  See  Homer's  Hift. 
Nonantum.  It  was  on  the  Couth  Newton,  p.  4. 


xxxvi     Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

And  ftill  later,  1726,  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  wrote: 
"  It  muft  be  confefled  and  bewailed,  that  if  our 
"  memorable  Eliot,  when  he  lay  in  his  dying  Lan- 
"  guimments  about  fix  and  thirty  Years  ago,  faw 
"  Caufe  to  mourn  in  that  Complaint,  '  There  is  a 
"  Cloud,  a  dark  Cloud,  upon  the  Work  of  the 
"  Gofpel  among  the  poor  Indians,  the  Lord  revive 
"  and  profper  that  Work,  and  grant  that  it  may 
"  live  when  I  am  dead :'  there  has  been  a  growing 
"  Occafion  fince  his  Death  forfuch  a  Complaint."1 
And  the  elder  Mather  thus2  fpeaks  of  his  untiring 
Labours :  "  It  was  our  blefled  Eliot,  who  has  by  a 
"  great  Man 3  been  called,  The  American  Apoftle." 

The  foregoing  Extracts  from  the  Author's  own 
Works  not  only  fhow  the  Mind  of  one  high  in 
publick  Eftimation,  but  they  fhow  very  clearly  the 
governing  Sentiments  of  the  greater  Number  of  the 
People  of  New  England,  at  one  of  the  moft  inter- 
efting  Periods  of  its  Hiflory. 

It  remains  for  the  Editor  to  make  his  Acknow 
ledgements  to  all  thofe  enough  interefted  in  the 

1  Atteftation  to  Mayhew's  Indian         2  Awakening  Truths,  p.  80. 
Converts  by  the  United  Minifters 

of  Bofton,    p.  xvii.      This    though          3  It  does   not  appear  how  early 

figned  by  the  eleven  Bofton  Minis-  Mr.   Eliot   received    the    Title   of 

ters,  is  pretty  evidently  the  Work  of  Apojlle.      Perhaps   the  great  man 

Dr.  Cotton  Mather.  referred  to  conferred  it. 


Introductory  by  the  Editor,     xxxvii 

early  Chronicles  of  New  England,  fo  much  to  Aid 
in  their  Republication  as  to  become  Subfcribers  to 
thofe  he  has  undertaken,  and  to  thank  them  for 
their  generous  Encouragement,  as  well  in  another, 
as  in  a  pecuniary  Way.  To  his  Friend  Mr.  Charles 
Deane  he  is  indebted  for  the  Ufe  of  a  fine  and  per 
fect  Copy  of  the  original  Edition  of  the  Relation, 
by  which  the  proof  Sheets  of  the  prefent  Edition 
have  been  corrected. 

In  the  Introduction  to  the  Brief  Hiftory  of  King 
Philip's  War,  confiderable  Ufe  was  made  of  a  large 
Number  of  manufcript  Letters,  written  by  Samuel 
Mather,  D.  D.,  to  his  unfortunate  tory  Son.  Since 
that  Work  was  published  I  have  met  with  the 
following  Notice  of  Dr.  Mather,  which  as  it  illuf- 
trates  the  Character  of  that  remarkable  Man,  is 
here  introduced : 

"Died  [in  Bofton,  June  2yth,  1785],  Samuel 
"  Mather,  aged  79.  He  left  poiltive  Orders,  that 
"  his  Interment  mould  be  private,  and  without  any 
"  Ceremony — alfo  fignified  his  Defire,  that  he 
"  may  not  have  any  funeral  Encomiums  from  any 
"  Quarter." — Columbian  Cent.,  29  June,  1785. 


xxxviii  Introductory  by  the  Editor. 

P.  S.  The  fame  Rule  has  been  obferved  in  this 
Reprint  as  in  that  of  the  Brief  Hiflory  ;  namely,  in 
following  the  Orthography  and  in  the  Ufe  of  italic 
Letters.  In  refpecl:  to  the  Ufe  of  Capitals,  there 
being  no  Uniformity  in  the  original  Edition,  the 
Compofitor  has  been  allowed  to  follow  his  own 
Tafte  in  that  Particular.  The  Pundtuation  has 
not  been  changed  but  very  flightly. 

The  foot  Notes  are  all  chargeable  to  the  Editor, 
and  are  therefore  unfigned.  The  fide  References 
in  the  laft  Tracl:  are  the  Author's. 


A  RELATION 

Of  the  Troubles  which  have  hapned  in 

New-England, 

By  reafon  of  the  Indians  there. 
From  the  Year   1614.  to  the  Year   1675. 

Wherein  the   frequent   Confpiracyes  of  the  Indians  to  cutt  off  the 

Englijh,  and  the  wonderfull  providence  of  God,  in 

disappointing  their  devices,  is  declared. 

Together  with  an  Ht/iorical  Difcorfe  concerning  the  Prevalency  of 

PRAYER 

Shewing  that  New  England*  late  delivrance  from  the  Rage  of  the 
Heathen  is  an  eminent  Anjwer  of  Prayer. 


By  INCREASE  MATHER 

Teacher  of  a  Church  in  Bofton  in  New-England. 


Job.  8.  8.  Enquire  I  pray  tbee  of  the  former  age,  and  prepare  thyfelf  to  the 

fearcb  of  their  Fathers. 
Pfal.  in.  2.  The  works  of  the  Lord  are  great,  fought  out  of  all  them  that  have 

pleafure  therein. 
Joel.  i.  3.  Tell  ye  your  Children  of  it,  and  let  your  Children  tell  their  Children, 

and  their  Children  another  Generation. 


Hiftoria  eft   teftis  temporum,  nuntia  vetuftatis,   lux  veritatis,  vita   memoriae, 
magifta  vitae.          Cic.  de  Or  at. 

Aliuf  alio  plura  invenire  peteft,  nemo  omnia. 


BOSTON; 

Printed  and  fold  by  John  Fofter.  1677. 


[P.  Hi] 


TO  THE  READER. 


THE  Occafion  of  my  undertaking  what 
is  here  prefented,  was  a  Letter  which  I 
received  from  a  worthy  Perfon,  who  upon 
the  Perufal  of  that  Brief  Hiftorical  Account  of  the 
War  with  the  Indians  in  New Eng/and,pub\i(hed  the 
laft  Summer,1  importuned  me  to  write  the  Story  of 
the  Pequot  War ;  taking  his  Motion  into  Confid- 
eration,2  it  came  into  my  Thoughts,  that  it  would 
be  a  Service  and  Benefit  for  Pofterity,  if  all  other 
general  Troubles  which  have  happened  by  the 
Heathen  in  this  Land,  were  recorded  and  made 
known ;  and  the  rather,  in  that  as  to  thofe  jirft 
Motions  and  Commotions  there  are  very  few  that 
know  any  thing  of  them. 3  Wherefore  I  fet  my 


1  This    Work    was    republilhed 
with  an  Introduction  and  Notes  by 
the   prefent  Editor.     It   is  a  fmall 
Traft  in   410,   as  it  originally  ap 
peared,    and   contained   but  about 
lixty  Pages.     It  was  printed  in  Bof- 
ton,  by  John  Fofter,  and  reprinted 
in  London   the  fame  Year,  for  Ri- 
chard  Cbifwell,  \  676. 

2  The  Writers  of  the  Time  of 

F 


our  Author  are  remarkable  for  be 
ginning  to  tell  Something  and  end 
ing  in  telling  Nothing,  on  Occafions 
like  this. 

3  Forty  Years  had  elapfed  fince 
the  Pequot  War  had  clofed.  The 
Author  himfelf  was  not  born  till  two 
Years  after,  and  nearly  all  thofc 
who  had  been  concerned  in  it  had 
pafled  away. 


To  the  Reader. 

felf  to  make  Enquiry  into  thofe  Matters,  and  (hall 
for  the  Satisfaction  of  the  Reader,  give  him  an 
Account  where  and  from  whence  I  obtained,  what 
Light  and  Information  touching  thefe  Indian 
Troubles,  I  have  been  any  Wayes  able  to  arrive  unto. 
Such  Books  as  I  had  by  me,  that  relate  to  any 
Thing  of  thofe  Affaires  J  have  been  willing  to  re 
volve,  e.  g.  Johannes  de  Laet  his  Defcription  of 
America,  written  in  Latin  ;4  Alfo  feveral  of  Capt. 
Smith  his  Books  ;5  And  A  Relation  of  the  Difcovery 
of  New  England,  publimed  by  the  Prelident  and 
Council  of  New  England,  Anno  i622.6  And  the 
Relation  or  Journal  of  the  jirji  Planters  in  Ply 
mouth7  together  with  feveral  Letters  which  fome  of 
them  wrote  to  England,  foon  after  their  firft  com- 


4  De  Laet  was  a  Man  of  Learn 
ing,  a  Director  of  the  Dutch  Eaft 
India  Company.      His  Work    on 
America  is   ufually   cited  as  Novus 
Orbis.     It  was  publifhed  at  Leyden 
in  1633,   in  Folio.     He   was   the 
Author  of  feveral  other  Works,  and 
had   a  Controverfy   with    Grotius 
upon    the  Origin  of  the  Indians. 
Mailer  Benjamin  Tompfon  did  not 
forget  him  in  his  Lines  upon  Mr. 
Hubbard's    Hi/lory    of  the  Indian 
Wars: 

"  Purchafe    wrote    much,    Hacluyt    tra- 

verfed  far, 
Smith   and  Dutch  John  de  Laet  famous 

are." 

5  Capt.  Smith's  Books  are  too  well 
known  to   need    any    Account    of 
them  here.     In  fome  late  Works  an 
Attempt  is  made  to  caft  Sufpicion 
on  Smith's  Statements  refpedling  his 
Difcoveries  in  Virginia,  but  I  would 


caution  Writers  and  Readers  not  to 
be  too  anxious  to  impeach  a  Char- 
after  fo  well  eftablifhed  for  Veracity 
as  is  that  of  Capt.  John  Smith. 

6  A  Trad  of  great  Rarity.     The 
only  Copy  I  have  ever  feen  is  that 
in  the  Britifh  Mufeum.     It  is  con 
tained  in  Purchas,  vol.  iv,  1827-32. 

7  Ufually  cited  as  Mourt's  Jour 
nal,  or  Mourff  Relation.     It  is  re 
printed  in  Young's  Chronicles  of  the 
Pilgrims.     But  that  Compiler,  be- 
caufe  he  was  not  acquainted  with 
the  Name  of  the  original  Publifher, 
fet  him   down  as  a  Myth;    and  a 
cafual  Examiner  of  his  Chronicles 
might  almoft  affirm  it  was  not  con 
tained  in  his  Book.     It  has  alfo  been 
republifhed  by  Mr.  Cheever  in  New 
York  feveral  Years  ago.     He  has, 
like  Mr.  Young,  I  am  forry  to  be 


To  the  Reader. 


43 


ing  into  this  Countrey ;  and  Mr.  Win/low  (then 
whom  hardly  any  one  that  hath  deferved  more 
eminently  from  New  England)  his  Good  News  from 
New  England?  [iv]  published  Anno  1624.  which 
Relations  are  in  the  Hands  of  but  few  in  this 
Countrey,  and  therefore  I  have  been  the  larger  in 
excerping  Things  out  of  them.  They  are  epito 
mized  in  Purchafe  his  Pilgrims'*  lib.  10.  who  de 
clares  that  he  had  by  him  a  Defcription  of  the 
Voiage  made  by  Capt.  Hanbam™  to  Sagadebock,  and 
the  written  Journals  of  Mr.  Raleigh  Gilbert,11  and 
of  Mr.  Harfy  and  Capt.  Hobfon™  who  were  in  this 
Land  before  any  Englifh  Plantation  was  fettled 
therein.  I  doubt  not  but  in  thofe  Scripts  a  more 


obliged  to  ftate,  fadly  marred  the 
Original ;  both  having  changed  the 
Pilgrim  Orthography  to  that  of  their 
own  !  Nothing  can  be  more  abfurd, 
in  my  Opinion,  than  to  change  the 
Orthography  of  an  old  Author,  and 
not  change  his  Style.  Why  change 
one  and  not  the  other  ?  I  proteft 
againft  a  Change  in  either  Cafe. 

8  This  is   alfo   to   be  found  re 
printed  in  Young's  Chronicles  of  the 
Pilgrims. 

9  The  Author  might  as  well  have 
ftated  that  the  Articles  to  which  he 
refers   are  contained  in  the  fourth 
Volume  of  Purchas.    Purchas's  Vol 
umes  were    published   at    different 
Times  and  their  Titles  vary.     The 
firft  was  iflued    1613,    in  a  {lately 
Folio   of  752   Pages.     The  Title 
commences,  Pvrchas  his  Pilgrim 
age.     Or  Re/at  ions  of  the  World. 


At  the  Time  this  Volume  was  pub- 
limed  the  Author  was  "  Minifter  at 
Eilwood  in  Eflex." 

10  Different    Writers    give    the 
Name  of  this  Captain,  Hanam,  Ha- 
man    and    Hanham.     He  made  a 
Voyage  to  New  England,  1606,  in 
company  with  Capt.   Pring.     His 
Chriftian  Name  was  Thomas. 

11  Son  of  the  renowned  Sir  Hum 
phrey  Gilbert,  whofe  Pedigree  and 
Family  are  pretty  fully  defcribed  in 
Prince's  Worthies  of  Devon,  and  his 
Authorities. 

1  '2  Probably  Edward  Harley  and 
Nicholas  Hobfon.  See  Prince  and 
his  Authorities.  In  Dr.  Drake's 
Sbakefpeare  and  bis  Times,  is  a 
curious  Omiffion  of  the  Name  of 
Hobfom,  by  which  the  baptifmal 
Name  Hands  for  the  Surname. 


4-4 


To  the  Reader. 


full  and  particular  Account  is  given,  of  the  Jirji 
Concerns  with  the  Indians  here.13  But  I  could  not 
come  by  the  Sight  of  them,  nor  do  I  know  cer 
tainly  whither  thofe  things  are  extant.14  I  have  alfo 
perufed  Sr.  Ferdinando  Gorges  Narration  of  original 
Undertakings  here.15  Moreover  J  have  read  a  large 
Manufcript  of  Governour  Bradford's  (written  with 
his  own  Hand;)  being  expreffive  of  what  the  firjl 
Planters  in  this  Countrey  met  with,  whether  from 
the  Heathen  or  otherwise,  from  the  Year  1620.  to 
the  Year  i6^.'/.16  As  for  the  Pequot  Troubles,  the 

Plantations  in  the  Parts  of  America. 
Efpecially  foe-wing  the  Beginning, 
Progrefs,  and  Continuance  of  that  of 
New  England.  London :  1656. 
A  fmall  410. 

16  This  MS.,  until  recently,  was 
fuppofed  to  have  been  irrecoverably 
loft  ;  and  there  was  good  Reafon  for 
fuch  a  Suppofition.  It  could  be  traced 
to  Grov.  Hutchinfon,  and  it  was  well 
known  that  many  of  his  Papers  were 
deftroyed  by  a  Mob  in  the  turbu 
lent  Times  of  the  Stamp  Aft.  But 
Bradford's  MS.  was  not  deftroyed, 
though  it  was  doubtlefs  taken  to 
England  with  many  other  Papers 
and  Documents  in  Hutchinfon's 
pofleffion  which  did  not  belong  to 
him  (fee  Mather's  Brief  Hi/lory  of 
King  Philip's  War,  p.  22-3).  If 
any  one  had  even  a  Shadow  of  Faith 
in  its  Exiftence,  it  was  too  much  of 
a  Shadow  to  fend  him  upon  a  Search 
in  which  a  rational  Being  would 
about  as  foon  expeft  to  find  the 
Philofopher's  Stone.  But  the  long 
defired  MS.  was  difcovered;  not 


13  The  "  Scripts  "  here  referred 
to  went   probably   with   Purchases 
Papers,  but  what  became  of  his  Col 
lections  is  not  fatisfaftorily  known. 
It  is  faid  that  Purchas  died  "  at  his 
own  Houfe  in  London  in   1628," 
and  that  he  died  in  debt,  owing  to 
his  great  Outlays  in   publifhing  his 
Pi/grimes.      Betides    pofleffing   the 
great  Collection  left  by  Hakluyt,  he 
no  doubt  had  a  vaft  one  of  his  own, 
for  like  Hakluyt  he  travelled,  into 
different  Seaports  to  fee  thofe  Cap 
tains  who   had  been  on  important 
Voyages.     Thus  he  tells  us  that  in 
1 6 1 8  he  faw  Capt.  John  Winter  at 
Bath,  and  that  Winter  gave  him  im 
portant  Fafts  concerning  Sir  Fran 
cis  Drake's  Voyage,  Sec.    Pilgrimes, 
iv,  1187. 

14  If  any  at  this  Time  are  wifer 
than  our  Author  was  then,  fuch  are 
unknown  to  the  Editor. 

15  The   Tide   of  the   Work   is 
A  Brief  Narration  of  the  Qriginall 
Undertakings  of  the  Advancement  of 


To  the  Reader. 

World  is  beholding  to  the  Induftry  of  Mr.  John 
Allyn^  of  Hartford  (as  is  in  the  fubfequent  Rela 
tion  acknowledged)  for  what  is  thus  made  publick, 
refpe&ing  the  great  Commotions  which  then  hap 
pened.  Only  I  have  been  willing  to  add  fome 
Particulars  out  of  a  Manufcript  Narrative  of  the 
Pequot  War,  which  I  lately  met  with  in  Reverend 
Mr.  Davenports  Library,18  as  alfo  what  Mr.  John- 
fon,19  or  Mr.  Morton™  (out  of  Mr.  Bradford*  Manu- 


by  an  American,  but  by  a  Gentle 
man  of  the  Manufcript  Department 
of  the  Britifh  Mufeum,  Mr.  N.  E. 
S.  A.  Hamilton,  as  he  himfelf  in 
formed  me.  He  was  rumaging  in 
the  Lambeth  Library,  among  a 
Mafs  of  Manufcripts,  and  when  he 
detected  this  of  Bradford  he  called 
the  Attention  of  the  Librarian  to  it, 
who  allowed  him  to  take  it  and  to 
caufe  it  to  be  repaired  as  it  is  now 
feen.  Thus  but  for  Mr.  Hamilton's 
Intereft  in  old  MSS.,  and  his  call 
ing  the  Attention  of  the  Bifhop  of 
Oxford  to  it,  Bradford's  MS.  might 
have  (lumbered  for  an  indefinite 
Period  beyond  the  prefent  Genera 
tion.  The  Bifhop  having  made 
Extracts  from  it  and  publifhed  them 
in  his  Ecclefiaftical  Work  on  the 
Church  in  the  Colonies,  the  Exift- 
ence  of  the  MS.  became  known  in 
this  Country,  and  in  due  Time  a 
Copy  was  obtained,  and  we  now 
have  it  in  print,  as  a  Volume  of 
Hiftorical  Collections  by  the  Mafl". 
Hiftorical  Society,  1856.  Why  it 
was  not  put  forth  on  its  own  Merits, 
independent  of  a  Series  of  Hiftorical 
Collections,  thofe  who  managed  the 
Affair  may  explain. 


17  Mr.  Allyn  was  Secretary  of 
the  Colony  of  Connecticut.  He 
was  not  the  Author  of  the  Paper 
which  he  fent  to  Mr.  Mather.  He 
merely  copied  and  fent  him  Mafon's 
Account  of  the  Pequot  War.  He 
probably  varied  his  Copy  fome  from 
the  Original.  Whether  he  intended 
to  pafs  it  off  as  his  own,  it  is  diffi 
cult  to  fay.  At  all  events  Mr. 
Mather  appears  to  have  been  de 
ceived. 

is  We  are  quite  in  the  Dark 
refpedting  the  Authorfhip  of  this 
Manufcript. 

19  Capt.  Edward  Johnfon  of  Wo- 
burn,    gives  fome  Account  of  the 
Pequot  War  in  his  Wonder- War  king 
Providence,  Sec.,  fometimes  cited  as 
v^Hijiiry  of  New  England.     It  was 
printed  in  1654,  anonymoufly.  See 
Prince,   Introduction  to  bis  N.  E. 
Chronology. 

20  tffw  England's  Memorial,  ori 
ginally  publifhed    in    1669.     It  is 
very  meager  in  all  refpects,  nor  have 
recent    Editions    been   what   they 
mould  be. 


46  To  the  Reader. 

fcript)  hath  heretofore  noted.  Touching  the  Nar- 
raganfets ;  I  have  fearched  the  publick  Records  of 
the  Colonyes,"  and  from  thence  excerped  the  Sub- 
ftance  of  what  as  here  related,  as  to  former  Troubles 
from  them  or  by  their  Means  procured.  The 
Relation  concerning  Alexander  and  his  Brother 
Philip,  wherwith  this  Narrative  is  concluded,  I 
received  from  the  prefent  Honourable  Governour 
of  Plymouth  (who  fucceeds  his  bleffed  Father,  as  in 
Place,  fo  in  Spirit)  and  from  the  faithful  Secretary 
of  that  Colony.  lam  lenfible  that  there  is  a  Reality 
in  that  which  Erafmus  doth  (after  his  Manner) 
wittily  exprefs  Adeo  nunc  in  omnes  et  omnia  grojjatur 
comitata  furiis  '»?  Aia^qfoj  ut  non  Jit  tutum  ullum 
emittere  librum,  niji  fatellitio  munitum  ;2Z  wherefore 
[v]  I  thought  it  neceflary  to  give  this  particular 
Account  of  the  Authors  from  whom  I  received  my 
Information,  refpecting  PafTages  infifted  on.  Nor 
mall  I  feek  for  any  other  Guard  againft  thofe, 
whofe  Genius  is  to  calumniate  Endeavours  of  this 
Kind. 

I  am  not  altogether  ignorant  of  what  is  com- 

21  The  Records  of  the  United  that  the  Author's  Convidlion  as  ex- 
Colonies  are  thofe  to  which  the  prefled  in  the  following  Note  had 
Author  probably  refers.  They  were  not  happened  before  he  wrote  this 
firft  printed  in  Hazard's  State  Pa-  Treatife :  "  The  Reader  will  not 


pen.  A  vaftly  improved  Edition 
of  them  has  recently  been  iffued  at 
the  Expenfe  of  the  State  of  Mafla- 
chufetts,  under  the  careful  Supervi- 
fion  of  Mr.  David  Pulfifer. 

22  Thofe  not  familiar  with  He 
brew,  Greek  and  Latin  will  regret 


find  in  thefe  Sermons  \4wakening 
Truths,  printed  1710]  any  ftudied 
fine  Phrafes,  nor  a  Gingling  with 
Latin,  Greek  and  Hebrew  Senten 
ces.  I  have  long  been  of  holy  Mr. 
'  Dod's  mind,  that  ordinarily  fo 
much  Latin  is  fo  much  Flefh  in  a 
Sermon." 


To  the  Reader.  47 

monly  and  truly  obferved,  viz.  That  thofe  Hiftories 
which  are  partly  Chronological  are  the  moft  profit 
able  ;  and  that  they  that  undertake  a  Work  of  this 
Nature,  fhould  go  by  Prefcript  of  that  fo  much 
celebrated  Verfe, 

Quis,  Quid,  Vbi,  Ouibus  auxiliis,  Cur,  Quomo/o  QuatuTo. 

which  I  have  endeavoured  to  remember.  Nor 
hath  that  Maxim  been  wholly  forgotten,  Stylus 
Hiftoricus  quo  Jimplicior  eo  melior.  And  J  may  ex 
pect  that  Ingenuous  Readers  will  act  according  to 
that  which  a  learned  Man  in  his  Hiftorica  layeth 
down  as  a  Theorem,  Hiftorici  legantur  cum  modera- 
tione  et  venia,  h.  e.  cogitetur  fieri  non  pojje  ut  in 
omnibus  circumjlantiis  Jint  Lyncei.  J  have  done 
what  I  could  to  come  at  the  Truth,  and  plainly  to 
declare  it,  knowing  that  that  is  (as  ufeth  to  be  faid) 
the  Soul  and  Sun  of  Hiftory,  whofe  Property  is, 

As  for  what  concerns  the  Story  of  the  late  War 
with  the  Indians,  there  are  who  have  propounded, 
that  fome  meet  Perfons  might  be  improved  in  the 
feveral  Colony es  to  collect  what  of  Moment  hath 
happened  in  each  Colony  fince  this  War  broke 
forth.23  When  GaJJiodorus  compiled  an  Hiftory  out 
of  the  Collections  of  Socrates,  Theodoret,  Sozomen, 
it  was  of  great  Ufe  in  after  Ages,  bearing  the  Name 
of  Hijloria  Tripartita ;  if  fuch  a  Courie  as  hath 
been  intimated  mould  be  attended,  and  the  Defign 
finimed,  a  Compleat  Hiftory  many  (eavites  ETtirlenoQety) 
be  compofed  out  of  thofe  Collections,  which  J  know 

23  This  was  an  early  Hint  for  the     Formation  of  a  Hiftorical  Society. 


70  the  Reader. 

not  but  that  it  may  derve  the  Name  of  Hiftoria  Tri- 
partita,  and  be  no  lefle  beneficial  to  Pofterity,  then 
fome  others  have  been.  In  the  mean  Time,  the 
Reader  muft  be  fatisfied  with  what  is  already  ex 
tant. 

The  following  Relation  was  written  neer  upon 
a  Year  ago ;  fince  which  a  Reverend  Author  has 
emitted  a  Narrative  of  the  [vi]  Troubles  which 
have  happened  by  the  Indians  in  New  England, 
whofe  Pains  and  Induftry  doth  (in  my  Judgement) 
deferve  an  Acknowledgment.24  NeverthelefTe  it 
hath  been  thought  needful  to  publifh  this ;  con- 
(idering  that  moft  of  the  Things  here  infifted  on, 
are  not  fo  much  as  once  taken  Notice  of  in  that 
Narrative**  And  although  the  Pequot  War  be 
therein  defcribed  (and  that,  as  to  the  Subftance  of 
the  Story,  truely  and  impartially)  it  is  not  fo  fully 
done  as  is  here  to  be  feen.  If  this  Endeavour  mall 
contribute  any  Light  or  Help  in  writing  an  Hi/lory 
of  New  England,**  I  hope  they  whofe  Hearts  are 


24  The  Acknowledgment  of  an 
Author's  "  Pains  and  Induftry,"  is 
indeed  a  very  cheap  Commendation, 
and  in  this   Cafe  appears    only  to 
have  been  recognized  for  Condem 
nation.     The  Reader  does  not  re 
quire  to  be  told  that  the  Rev.  Wil 
liam  Hubbard  of  Ipfwich  is  refer 
red  to. 

25  The  Tide  of  Mr.  Hubbard's 
Work    is,      A    Narrative   of   the 
Troubles  with  the  Indians  in  New 
England,  from   the  frft   Planting 
thereof  in  the  Tear  1607,  to  this 
frefent  Tear,  1677.     But  chiefly  of 


the  late  Troubles  in  tbe  two  lajt 
Tears,  1675  and  1676.  To  which 
is  added  a  Difcourfe  about  the  Warrs 
with  the  Pe quods  in  the  Year  1637. 
Bofton :  printed  by  John  Fofter,  in 
the -Year  1677.  It  is  a  clofely 
printed  Quarto  of  about  250  Pages. 
A  much  improved  and  corrected 
Edition  appeared  in  London  the  fame 
Year.  The  Title  of  the  London 
Edition  begins,  Tbe  Prefent  State 
of  New  England.  Being  a  Narra 
tive,  Sec.,  as  in  the  other  Edition. 

2(5  The  Author  takes  occafion  in 
feveral  of  his  Works  to  fpeak  of  a 


70  the  Reader. 


49 


upon  feeking  out  and  declaring  the  Works  of  God 
in  the  Generation  which  he  caft  them  into,  will 
accept  of  my  Labour,  however  mean  and  incon- 
fiderable.  I  mail  do  no  more,  but  pray  that  the 
Blefling  of  Heaven  may  be  upon  Undertakings  of 
this  Nature. 

Bofton  N.  E. 

Sept.  14.   1677. 

Increafe  Mather. 

Hiftory  of  New  England.  Not  long  he  intended  as  fuch—  his  well  known 
after  this  his  Son  commenced  what  Magnalia. 


RELATION 

of  the  firft  Troubles  in 

New-England, 


by  Reafons  of  the  INDIANS  there. 

IT  is  now  above  jbventy  Years,  Jince  that  Part 
of  this  Continent  which  is  known  by  the  Name 
of  NEW  ENGLAND,    was    difcovered  and 
Pofleffion  thereof  taken  by  the  Englifh.     No  Man 
that  made  it  his   Concern   to  be   acquainted  with 
Things  of  this  Nature  can   be   ignorant,  that  the 
Northern  (or  to  us  Northeaft)  P,  rts  of  this  Land 
were  the  firft  wherein  were  Englifh  Inhabitants ; 
whence  it  was  for  fome  Years  known  by  the  Name 
of  the  Northern  Plantation,  until  fuch   Time  as 


[    52    ] 

King  Charles  the  firft  (then  Prince  of  Wales)  gave 
it  the  Name  of  New  Eng/and.27 

For  in  Anno  1602.  and  in  the  Year  following 
fome  of  our  Countrymen  made  notable  Difcoveryes 
in  that  Land  which  lyeth  North  and  by  Eaft  of 
Virginia,  between  the  Degrees  of  43  and  45  north 
ern  Latitude. 

Four  or  five  Years  after  this  that  noble  Lord, 
Sir  John  Popham  (then  Lord  Chief  Juftice)  lent 
out  a  Ship  into  thefe  Parts  to  make  further  Dif- 
covery,  who  arriving  at  the  Place  defigned,  quickly 
returned,  and  made  fuch  a  Report  of  what  they 
had  feen,  as  did  greatly  animate  the  Adventurers 
to  go  on  with  their  begun  Undertaking;  where 
upon  in  Anno  1607.  a  Gentleman  [2]  whofe  Name 
was  Popham  was  fent  into  thefe  Coafts,  with  two 
Ships  and  one  hundred  Land-men  and  Ordnance, 
and  other  Things  neceflary  for  their  Suftentation 
and  Defence,  in  order  to  the  making  Way  for  the 
Settlement  of  a  Plantation.  But  that  noble  Lord 
being  taken  out  of  the  World  by  fudden  Death, 
alfo  the  Planters  here  meeting  with  fad  Difafters  (for 
in  the  Depth  of  Winter,  their  Lodgings  and  Stores 
were  burnt,  and  Capt.  Popham  dyed  amongft  them) 
when  the  next  Year  a  Veflel  arrived  bringing  the 

27  The  Author  is  not  quite  right  ing  his  Map  to  Prince  Charles  (af- 

in  this  Statement.      Smith  himfelf  terwards  Charles  the  Firft),  then  a 

named  the  Country  New  England,  Boy  of  about  fifteen,  he,  at  Smith's 

as  he  found  it  to  lie    "  oppofite  to  Requeft,  fubftituted  Englifh  Names 

Nova  Albion  in  the  South  Sea,  dif-  for  the  Indian.     This  appears  to  be 

covered  by  the  moft  memorable  Sir  all  the  Agency  Prince  Charles  had 

Francis  Drake  in  his  Voyage  about  in     naming    New   England  ;    both 

the  World,  in  regard  whereof  this  whimfical    and    nonfenfical.      See 

is  ftiled  New  England."    On  mow-  Smith's  Gen.  Hiftorie,  ii,  176,  179. 


[53  ] 

News  of  the  Lord  Popbams  Death,  the  whole  Com 
pany  of  the  Englifh  refolved  upon  a  return  home, 
which  proved  the  Death  of  the  Englifh  Plantation, 
at  that  Time  defigned  in  thefe  Parts  of  the  World. 
Only  Sr  Fr.  Popham  (Son  to  the  Lord  Chief  juf- 
tice)  fent  divers  Times  to  thefe  Coafts  for  Trade 
and  Fifhing.28 

As  yet  there  was  not  (fo  far  as  I  can  learn)  any 
Disturbance  from  the  Indians,  then  the  only  Na 
tives  of  this  Land.29  But  not  long  after  this,  an 
unworthy  Ship- M after  whofe  Name  was  Hunt, 
being  fent  forth  into  thefe  Coafts  on  the  Account  of 
the  timing  Trade,  after  he  had  made  his  Difpatch 
and  wras  ready  to  fail,  (under  Pretence  of  trucking 
with  them)  enticed  Indians  into  his  Veftel,  they  in 
Confidence  with  his  Honefty  went  aboard,  to  the 
Number  of  twenty  from  Patuxet,  fince  called  Pli- 
moutbj  and  feven  from  Noflet  (now  known  by  the 
Name  of  Eftam)  thefe  did  this  Hunt  feize  upon, 
ftovved  them  under  Hatches,  and  carried  them  to 
the  Streights  of  Gibraltar,  and  there  did  he  fell  as 
many  as  he  could  of  them  for  2o/.  a  Man,  until  it 
was  known  whence  they  came  ;  for  then  the  Friars 
in  thofe  Parts  took  away  the  reft  of  them,  that  fo 
they  might  nurture  them  in  the  Popifh  Religion. 
The  pernicious  and  avaritious  Felony  of  this  Ship- 
Mafter,  in  ftealing  and  felling  the  Indians  to  the 

28  The  Events  glanced  at  in  the  the   Author  relates  fome   Troubles 
preceding  Paragraphs  will  be  found  between  the  Indians  and  Voyagers 
minutely  enough  ftated  by  Hubbard,  which  muft  have  happened  anterior 
Prince,  Holmes,  and  others.  to  this  Period.   See  Smith's  Defcript. 

N.  Eng.y  \  5,    and   his  Gen.  Hift. 

29  It  will  be  feen,  however,  that     N.  Eng>,  ii,  194. 


[  54-  ] 

Spaniards,  as  hath  been  expreffed,  laid  the  Founda 
tion  to  great  Troubles  which  did,  after  that  befall 
the  Englim,  efpecially  in  the  Nortb-eaji  Parts  of 
this  Land.  Yea  that  inhumane  and  barbarous 
Fact  was  the  unhappy  Occafion  of  the  Lofs  of 
many  a  man's  Eftate  and  Life,  which  the  Barbari 
ans  in  thofe  beginning  Times  did  from  thence  feek 
to  deftroy.30 

For    when    the    Gentlemen    Adventurers31    did 
again  difpatch  a  VefTel  hither  commanded  by  Capt. 
in  order  to  erecting  a  Plantation  and  fet- 

"  them,  twentie  out  of  this  very 
"  Place  [Plymouth]  where  we  in- 
"  habile,  and  feuen  Men  from  the 
"  Naufites."  Mourt  in  Purcbas, 
1849.  Other  Accounts  fay  twenty- 
four  was  the  Number  of  Indians 
kidnapped  No  doubt  fome  were 
killed,  and  thefe  were  reckoned  by 
the  Indians,  while  the  Englim  reck 
oned  only  thofe  aftually  carried  off. 

31  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  feems 
to  have  been  the  chief  Adventurer 
in  this  bufinefs. 


30  Hunt  was  with  Capt.  Smith  in 
his  Voyage,  and  Smith  gives  us  the 
Particulars  of  the  Manner  in  which 
he    kidnapped   the    Indians    thus : 
"  But  one  Thomas  Hunt,   when  I 
1  was  gone,  thinking  to  prevent  that 
'  Intent   I   had    to    make    there  a 
Plantation,  thereby  to  keepe  this 

*  abounding  Countrey  ftill  in  Ob- 
'  fcurity,  that  onely  he  and  fome 
'  few  Merchants  more  might  enjoy 
'  wholly  the  Benefit  of  the  Trade, 
'  and  Profit  of  this  Countrey,  be- 
'  traied  foure  and  twenty  of  thofe 
'  poore  Saluages  aboord  his  Ship, 
'  and  moft  diflioneftly  and  inhu- 
'  manely  for  their  kinde  vfage  of 
'  me  and  all  our  Men,  carried  them 
'  with  him  to  Maligo  and  there  for 
'  a  little  priuate  gaine  fold   thofe 

*  filly  Saluages  for  Rials  of  Eight ; 
'  but  this  vilde  Aft  kept  him  euer  after 
'  from  any  more  imploiment  to  thofe 
'  Parts."  Defcript.ofN  Eng.  See 

more  from  Smith  in  Note  37.  The 
Indians  told  the  Pilgrims  in  March, 
1621,  that  Hunt  took  the  Indians 
"  vender  colour  of  trucking  with 


32  When  Gorges  had  arranged  to 
employ  Capt.  Hobfon,  he  fays : 
I  knew  the  Captain  had  fome  re 
lation  to  Lord  Southampton,  and 
I  not  willing  in  thofe  Days  to  un 
dertake  any  Matter  extraordinary 
without  his  Lordfliip's  Advice ; 
who  approved  of  it  fo  well  that  he 
adventured  one  hundred  pounds 
in  that  Employment,  and  his  Lord- 
fliip  being  at  that  Time  Com 
mander  of  the  Ifle  of  Wight, 
where  the  Captain  had  his  abid- 


[  55  ] 

tling  a  Trade  with  the  Natives  here,  Hunt's  fore- 
mentioned  Scandal,  had  caufed  the  Indians  to  con- 
trait  fuch  a  mortal  Hatred  againft  all  Men  of  the 
Englim  Nation,  that  it  was  no  fmall  Difficulty  to 
fettle  any  where  within  their  Territoryes.  And 
whereas  there  were  two  Indians  called  Epenow  and 
Manawet,  who  having  been  carried  out  of  thefe 
Parts  of  the  World  into  England  had  learned  to 
fpeak  Englifh,  that  were  returned  in  Hobfons  Vef- 
fel,  as  hoping  they  might  be  fervicable  toward  the 
Defign  on  foot,  it  [3]  fell  out  otherwife;  fince  be 
ing  exafperated  by  what  Hunt  had  done,  they  con 
trived  with  their  Country-men  how  to  be  revenged 
upon  the  Englim.  Manawet  dyed  within  a  fhort 
Time  after  the  Ships  Arrival.  Epenow  fecretly 
plotted  to  free  himfelf  out  of  the  Englim  Hands, 
which  he  effected,  though  with  great  Hazard  to 
himfelf  and  other  Salvages  that  were  his  fellow 
Confpirato?  s,  which  came  to  pafs  after  this  Manner. 
Upon  the  Ships  Arrival,  many  of  the  Indians 
(fome  of  them  being  Epenows  Kinfmen)  came 
aboard  and  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  Captain ; 
at  their  Departure  they  promifed  to  return  the  next 
Day,  and  bring  fome  Trade  with  them.  Epenow 
had  not  Liberty  granted  him  to  go  on  Shoar,  only 
much  Difcourfe  (and  probably  a  Contrivement  for 
his  Efcape)  was  between  him  and  the  other  Indians 

"  ing  under  his  Lordfhip,    out  of  "  Gentleman,  one  Capt.   Hobfon, 

"  his  Noblenefs  was  pleafed  to  fur-  "  who  was  willing  to  go  that  Voy- 

"  nifh  me  with  fome  land  Soldiers,  "  age  and  to  adventure  one  hundred 

"  and  to  commend  me  to  a  grave  "  pounds  himfelf."     P.  15. 


[56] 

in  the  Veflel,  which  nobody  but  themfelves  could 
understand.  The  Indians  returned  at  the  Time 
appointed  with  twenty  Canoos,  but  were  my  of 
coming  aboard.  Epenoiv  cunningly  called  to  them 
as  if  he  would  have  them  come  into  the  Veflel,  to 
Trade,  and  fuddenly  did  himfelf  leap  overboard : 
He  was  no  fooner  in  the  Water,  but  the  Indians 
fent  a  Shower  of  Arrows  into  the  Veflel,  and  came 
defperately  near  to  the  Ship,  and  (in  defpite  of  all 
the  Engliih  Mufketiers  aboard)  went  away  with 
their  Country-man  Epenow.^ 

Divers  of  the  Indians  were  then  flain  by  the 


33  It   appears  from  Gorges  own 
Account  that    Epanow    had   made 
great   Pretenfions    as    to  what    the 
Country  contained,  and  at  the  fame 
Time  pretended  that  if  he  revealed 
his  Knowledge  to  the  Englifh,  "  he 
"  was  fure  to  have  his  Brains  knock- 
"  ed  out  as  foon  as  he  came  afhore." 
But  Gorges  did   not  put  implicit 
Faith  in  him  :    "  For,"  fays  he,  "  I 
gave  the  Captain  ftrift  Charge  to 
endeavour   by  all   Means  to  pre 
vent    his    Efcape ;    and    for    the 
more   Surety,  I  gave  Order   to 
have  three  Gentlemen  of  my  own 
Kindred  (two  Brothers  of  Stur- 
ton's,   and  Mafter  Matthews)  to 
be  ever  at  hand  with  him,  clothing 
him  with  long  Garments,  fitly  to 
be  laid  hold  on  if  Occafion  mould 
require.    Notwithftanding  all  this, 
his  friends  being  all  come  at  the 
Time    appointed,    with    twenty' 
Canoes,   and   lying  at  a  certain 
Diftance  with  their  Bows  ready, 


"  the  Captain  calls  to  them  to  come 
"  aboard ;  but  they  not  moving,  he 
"  fpeaks  to  Epenow  to  come  unto 
"  him  where  he  was,  in  the  Fore- 
"  caftle  of  the  Ship.    He  being  then 
"  in  the  Waift  of  the  Ship  between 
"  two  of  the  Gentlemen  that  had 
"  him  in  guard,  ftarts  fuddenly  from 
"  them,  and  coming  to  the  Captain, 
"  calls  to  his  Friends  in  Englifh  to 
"  come  aboard ;  in  the  interim  flips 
himfelf  overboard  ;  and  although 
he  was  taken  hold  of  by  one  of 
the  Company,  yet  being  a  ftrong 
and  heavy  Man,   could  not   be 
flayed ;  and  was  no  fooner  in  the 
Water  but  the  Natives  fent  fuch  a 
Shower   of  Arrows,    and  came 
withal    defperately   fo    near   the 
Ship,  that  they  carried  him  away 
in  defpite  of  all  the  Muflceteers 
aboard,  who  were  for  the  Num 
ber  as  good   as  our  Nation    did 
afford."    P.  1 6.    Confult  Gorges 
for  other  Particulars. 


[  57  ] 

Englijh,  and  the  Matter  of  the  Englijh  Veflel  and 
feveral  of  the  Company  wounded  by  the  Indians.^ 
Hereupon  the  Captain  and  the  whole  Company 
were  difcouraged,  and  returned  to  England,  bring 
ing  nothing  back  with  them  but  the  News  of  their 
bad  Succefs,  and  that  there  was  a  War  broke  out 
between  the  Englijh ,  and  the  Indians.^  The  Time 
when  thefe  Troubles  hapned,  is  controverted  more 
than  the  Things  themfelves.36  yobannes  de  Laet 
in  his  Defcriptio  Indies  Occidental}*,  writeth  that  it 
was  between  the  Years  1608  and  1615.  So  doth 
Purchaje.  Sr.  Ferdinando  Gorges  relates  that  he 


34  Gorges  fays  nothing  about  any 
being  killed  or  wounded.     But  Pur 
chas  fays  "  they  wounded  the  Maf- 

ter  of  our  Ship,  and  diuers  other 
of  our  Company,  yet  was  not 
their  Defign  without  the  Slaugh 
ter  of  fome  of  their  People,  and 
the  Hurt  of  others,  compafled,  as 
appeared  afterwards."  Vol.  iv, 
p.  1829.  Gorges  complained  that 
the  Voyage  was  unneceflarily  aban 
doned,  as  he  had  given  Orders  for 
its  Profecution  elfewhere  if  this  firft 
Attempt  failed.  But  if  the  Captain 
and  others  were  badly  wounded  it 
is  a  good  Reafon  for  the  Return  of 
the  Ship  to  England.  See  alfo  the 
Brief  Relation  of  the  Prejident  and 
Council  of  New  England,  as  re 
printed  in  Colls.  Mafs.  Hift.  Soc., 
ix,  2d  Sen,  p.  6. 

35  Here  our  Author  follows  Pur 
chas,   but  not  with  fufficient  Care, 
for  the  Readei  is  left  in  Doubt  about 
*'  a  War  broke  out,"  as  to  where 

H 


and  when ;  while  Purchas  is  clear 

and  explicit,  and  in  thefe  Words : 

Hereupon  Captaine  Hobfon  and 

his  Company,  conceuing  the  End 

of  their  Attempt  to  bee  fruftrate, 

refolued   without   more  adoe   to 

returne,  and  fo  thofe  Hopes,  that 

Charge  and  Voyage  was  loft  alfo  ; 

for  they  brought  home  Nothing 

but  the  Newes  of  their  euill  Suc- 

cefle   of  the  vunfortunate  Caufe 

thereof,  and  of  a  Warr  now  near 

begun    betweene  the  Inhabitants 

of  thole  Parts  and  vs.     A  mifer- 

'  able  Comfort  for  fo  weak  Meanes 

'  as  were  now  left,   to   purfue  the 

'  Conclufion  of  fo  tedious  an  En- 

'  terprife."      Pilgrims,  iv,   1829. 

Prince,  Chronology,  4.1. 

so  This  Sentence  feems  to  have 
been  thrown  in  without  Reflection, 
as  by  a  careful  Comparifon  of  his 
Authorities  the  Author  would  have 
fe^n  that  Dates  were  available,  to  an 
Extent  fufficient  for  his  Purpofe. 


[  58  ] 

fent  Capt.  Hobfon  into  thefe  Parts  in  Anno  1614, 
and  what  Hunt  did  was  before  that,  as  being  the 
grand  procuring  Caufe  of  the  Broyle  between  the 
Englifh  and  the  Indians,  which  firft  began  in  that 
Year.37 

After  thefe  Things  another  Veflel  was  fent  into 
thefe  Northern  Parts  under  the  Command  of  Capt. 
Rocraft,  he  defigned  to  winter  there,  but  fome  of 
his  own  Ships  Company  confpired  againft  him, 
intending  his  Death,  he  having  fecret  Intelligence 
of  this  Plot  againft  his  Life,  held  his  Peace  until 
the  Day  was  come  wherein  the  intended  Mifchief 
was  to  be  put  in  Execution,  then  unexpectedly 
apprehended  the  Confpirators ;  he  was  loth  himfelf 
to  put  any  to  Death,  though  they  were  worthy  of 
it.  But  therefore  he  refolved  to  leave  them  in  the 
Wildernefs,  not  knowing  but  they  might  haply 
difcover  fomething  which  might  be  advantageous.38 

[4]  Accordingly  he  furnifhed  them  with  Ammu 
nition,  and  fome  Victuals  for  their  prefent  Sub- 
fiftence,  and  turned  them  Afhore  to  Socodehock, 

37  This  is  according  to  Smith's         38  The  Author  omits  much  im- 

Defcription  of  New  England  in  his  portant    Matter    refpefting    Capt. 

<7        General  Hiftory,   but  in  his   New  Edward  Rocroft's  Proceedings.  On 

;        England  Trials,  \  6  (Force's  Edit.),  his  Arrival  on  the  eaftern  Coaft,  he 

he  fays  the  Place  where  Hunt  kid-  captured    a    French  Veflel    fifhing 

napped  the  Indians  was  fo  remote  and  trading  there.     This  Veflel  he 

from  that  where  Capt.  Hobfon  was  went  into  himfelf,  and  fent  home 

attacked,    that  that   Aft   of  Hunt  the  Men  in  his  own   Ship.     After 

could  not  have  been  the  Caufe  of  the  Mutiny  above  recorded,  Rocroft 

the  Hoftility.     "  However  it  was  went  to  Virginia,  and  there  getting 

"  alleged  for  an  Excufe."     Purchas  into  a  Quarrel  was  killed.     Pretty 

calls    Hunt's    "  Sauage    hunting  of  full  Details  may  be  read  in  Purchas, 

"  Sauages  a  new  and  Deuellifh  Pro-  1 829-30.   See  alfo  Belknap's  Amer, 

f'jedl"     Pilgrims,  1828.  Biography,  i,  361. 


[59  ] 

himfelf  with  the  reft  of  his  Company  departing  to 
Virginia.  Thofe  Englifh  Mutineers  got  over  to 
the  Ifland  of  Monhegin,  three  Leagues  from  the 
Main,  where  they  kept  themfelves  fafe  from  the 
Fury  of  the  exafperated  Indians,  until  the  next 
Spring,  when  a  VerTel  that  came  on  the  Coaft  on  a 
riming  Voyage,  found  them  all  (except  one  Per- 
fon  that  died  of  Sicknefs  in  this  Interim)  alive,  and 
carried  them  away  back  for  England. 

Not  many  Years  after  this,  viz.  in  Anno  1619.  a 
Gentleman  whofe  Name  was  Darmer  was  fent  to 
profecute  the  Defign  of  planting  and  fettling  a 
Trade  in  New  England,  and  to  endeavour  that  a 
right  Underftanding  of  Matters  between  the  Indians 
and  the  Englifh  might  be  accomplifhed. 

He  therefore  brought  with  him  an  Indian  called 
Squantum,  who  was  one  of  thofe  that  Hunt  had 
treacheroufly  carried  away  from  Patuxet,  but  was 
bought  by  an  Englim  Merchant,  and  lived  fome 
Time  with  Mr.  Slanyw  a  Gentleman  in  Cornbil, 
until  he  could  fpeak  broken  'Englifh,  and  after  that 
at  New-found-land,  where  Capt.  Mafon  was  then 
Governour,  who  was  willing  that  Mr.  Darmer 
mould  take  Squantum  with  him  to  New  England. 
Upon  hs  Arrival  here,  he  told  his  Country-men 
very  ftrange  Storyes,  giving  them  to  underftand 
what  Kind  of  Ufage  he  had  met  with  among  the 
Englim  where  he  had  been,  and  how  much  the 
wicked  Fact  of  that  covetous  Hunt  was  condemned, 

39  Probably  "Matter John Slany,"  for  Squanto's  being  fent  to  New- 
one  of  the  Council  of  the  Newfound-  foundland.  See  Stow's  Survey  of 
land  Company.  This  will  account  London,^.  591,  Edition  folio,  1633. 


[60 

fo  that  many  of  them  began  to  converfe  with,  and 
become  friendly  toward  the  Englifh,  and  Mr. 
Darmer  conceited  that  he  and  Squantum  had  made 
a  firm  Peace  between  the  Nations.  But,  manet  alta 
mente  repoflum — Indians  are  not  wont  to  forget  In 
juries,  when  once  they  have  fuftained  any :  fo  did 
that  Gentleman  find  it  to  his  after  Sorrow  :  For 
being  near  the  Place  where  Hunt  had  formerly 
betrayed  the  Indians  aboard  his  VefTel,  they  treach- 
eroufly  fet  upon  him,  and  gave  him  fourteen 
Wounds,  fo  that  he  had  much  adoe  to  efcape  with 
his  Life.  And  though  he  got  to  Virginia  after 
this,  fome  write  that  he  never  recovered  of  thofe 
Wounds  which  he  received  of  the  Naufit  Indians.*0 
And  Epenow  (before  mentioned)  was  the  Caule  of 
Capt.  Darmers  being  aflaulted,  whom  he  hapned 
to  meet  with  at  his  firft  landing  in  that  Place : 
The  'Indian  being  able  to  fpeak  Englifh,  reported 
to  Capt.  Darmer  the  Story  of  his  Efcape  out  of 
Capt.  Hobfons  Veffel,  laughing  heartily  at  the 
Conceit  of  it.  The  Captain  told  him  that  Sr. 
Ferdinando  Gorges  was  much  troubled  that  he 
mould  meet  with  fuch  ill  Ufage  as  to  put  him  upon 
a  Temptation  to  fleal  away.  This  Salvage  after 
fome  Enquiries  about  Sr.  Ferdinando  (and  his 
Family)  with  whom  he  had  fometimes  lived 
in  England,  belike  fufpecting  that  Capt.  Darmer 

40  There  can  be  no  Queftion  as  "  and  thereof  dyed."  Pilgrims,  iv, 

to  the  Death  of  Capt.  Dermer  in  1831.     Dermer  was  well  known  to 

Virginia,  but  not  immediately  from  Purchas,   who  had  received  Letters 

the  Effeft  of  his  Wounds,  as  may  from  him  while   upon  his  Voyage, 

be  feen  in  Purchas.     "  He  fell  ficke  See  his  Pilgrimsy\\,  1778-9,  where 

"  of  the  Infirmities  of  that  Place,  a  valuable  one  is  inferted. 


[6t 

had  a  Purpofe  to  furprize  [5]  him,  he  confpired 
with  fome  of  his  Fellows  to  take  the  Captain,  and 
laid  Hands  on  him,  who  did  with  his  Sword  man 
fully  defend  himfelf  againft  thofe  barbarous  and 
treacherous  AfTailants.41  What  other  particular 
Mifchiefs  were  done  by  the  Northern  Indians  (or 
others)  about  this  Time,  I  cannot  learn :  Only 
Capt.  Smith  writeth  that  he  met  with  many  of 
their  Jilly  Encounters  (as  he  calls  them)  but  with 
out  any  Hurt.42  Alfo  a  little  before  the  nrft  Plant 
ers  in  Plymouth  Colony  arrived  in  this  Land,  three 


41  Capt  Smith  makes  this  Sum 
mary  of  Capt.  Dermer's  Adventures: 
"  Mailer  Thomas  Dirmire,  an  vn- 
derftanding  and  induftrious  Gen 
tleman,  that  was  alfo  with  me 
amongft  the  French-men,  hauing 
liued  about  a  Yeere  in  New 
found-land,  returning  to  Plimoth, 
went  for  New  England  in  this 
Ship,  fo  much  approued  of  this 
Countrey,  that  he  ftaied  there 
with  flue  or  fix  Men  in  a  little 
Boat,  finding  two  or  three  French 
men  amongft  the  Saluages  who 
had  loft  their  Ship,  augmented 
his  Company,  with  whom  he 
ranged  the  Coaft  to  Virginia, 
where  he  was  kindly  welcomed 
and  well  refrefhed,  thence  re 
turned  to  New  England  againe, 
where  hauing  beene  a  Yeere,  in 
his  backe  returne  to  Virginia  he 
"  was  fo  wounded  by  the  Saluages, 
"  he  died  upon  it."  Vol.  n,  219. 
See  alfo  Gorge's  Narration,  p.  20. 
According  to  Mourt(Purchas,  1849) 
Dermer's  Fight  was  about  July, 
1620. 


42  The  following  is  Smith's  Ac 
count  of  fome  of  his  Skirmifhes  with 
the  Indians.  I  fuppofe  they  hap 
pened  while  he  was  furveying  the 
Coaft  of  Maflachufetts :  "  We  found 
'  the  People  in  thofe  Parts  very 
'  kinde,  but  in  their  fury  no  lefle 
'  valiant,  for  vpon  a  Quarrell  we 
'  fought  forty  or  fifty  of  them,  till 
'  they  had  fpent  all  their  Arrowes, 
'  and  then  we  tooke  fix  or  feuen  of 
'  their  Canowes,  which  towards  the 
'  Euening  they  ranfomed  for  Beuer 
'  Skins,  and  at  Quonahafit  [Cohaf- 
'  fet  now]  falling  out  there  but 
'  with  one  of  them,  he  with  three 
'  others  crofled  the  Harbour  in  a 
'  Canow  to  certaine  Rockes  where- 
'  by  we  muft  pafle,  and  there  let 
'  flie  their  Arrowes  for  our  Shot, 
'  till  we  were  out  of  Danger,  yet 
'  one  of  them  was  flaine,  and  an- 
'  other  mot  through  his  Thigh. 
'  At  Accomack  [Plymouth  harbor] 
'  we  fought  alfo  with  them,  tho 
*  fome  were  hurt,  fome  flaine,  yet 
'  within  an  houre  after  they  be- 
'  came  Friends."  It  feems  that 


[62    ] 

Englifhmen  belonging  to  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
were  killed  by  thefe  Salvages,  and  two  more  nar 
rowly  efcaped  with  their  Lives.  And  thus  far  wee 
have  a  Cold  Account  of  the  Defign  refpedting  the 
Advancement  of  a  Plantation  in  the  Northern  Parts 
of  New  England.** 

In  Anno  1620.  A  Company  of  Chriftians  be 
longing  to  the  Northern  Parts  of  England,  who  pro- 
pofed  not  fo  much  worldly  as  fpiritual  Ends  in 
their  Undertaking,  ayming  at  the  Converjion  of  the 
Indians,  and  the  Eftablifhment  of  the  Worfhip  of 
God  in  purity,  did  therefore  tranfport  themfelves 
and  Familyes  into  this  howling  Wildernefs.  The 
firft  Land  they  made  was  that  of  Cape  Cod,  Novemb. 
9.  Where  they  came  to  an  Anchor,  and  went  on 
Shore,  Novemb.  11.  Perceiving  the  Incommodi- 
oufnefs  of  that  Place  for  planting,  they  refolved  to 
feek  out  for  another  that  might  be  more  accom 
modate.  But  their  Shallop  not  being  in  trimm  to 
be  fent  out  upon  Difcovery,  fome  were  defirous  to 
improve  the  Time,  in  making  what  Searches  they 
could  upon  the  Land  thereabout.44 

thefe   Affairs   occurred   but  a  fhort  "  eight  moneths  agoe  [the  Naufites] 

Time  before  Capt.  Hunt  feized  the  "  flew  three  Engliftimen,   and  two 

Indians  at  and  near  Plymouth.  "  more    hardly  efcaped    by  Flight 

"  to  Monhiggon."     See  Mourt  in 

43  The  Author  took  little  Pains  Purchas,  iv,  1849,  who  adds,  "they 

about  his  Chronology.     When  the  "  were   Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge  his 

three  of  Gorge's  Men  were   killed  "  Men."    Ibid. 
does   not  appear  from  any  of  the 

Accounts ;  but  in  a  Conference  with          44  The  Author  in  this  and  what 

the  Indians  held  by  the  Pilgrims  on  follows  relating  to  the  Settlement  of 

the   1 7th  of  March,    1621,   thofe  Plymouth,  takes  his  Narrative  from 

Indians  told  the  Pilgrims  that  "  about  Mourt's  and  Bradford's  Relations  as 


[63 

Novemb.  5.  Sixteen  Men  well  armed  were  fet 
on  Shore  under  the  Conduct  of  Capt.  Miles  Stand- 
i/h.  After  they  had  gone  about  a  Mile  near  the 
Shoar,  they  defcryed  five  or  fix  Indians,  who  like 
wild  Creatures  ran  away  from  them  at  the  firft 
Sight,  they  followed  them,  by  the  Trace  of  their 
Footings,  about  ten  Miles,  til  Night  came  on,  but 
could  not  come  to  any  Speech  with  them.45 

At  laft  they  met  with  a  Kettle  wherein  was  In 
dian  Corn,  which  after  much  Confultation  they 
feized  upon,  refolving  that  if  they  could  come  to 
fpeak  with  Indians,  they  would  return  them  their 
Kettle,  and  give  them  full  Satisfaction  for  their 
Corn,  which  they  intended  for  planting,  not  know 
ing  how  elfe  to  be  fupplyed.  So  did  they  return^ 
the  next  Day,  but  loft  themfelves  awhile  in  the 
Woods,  and  as  they  were  wandering  up  and  down, 
they  hapned  to  efpy  a  fmall  Tree  that  was  blown 
down,  and  fome  Acorns  ftrewed  underneath,  whilft 
they  were  viewing  of  it,  and  wondering  what  it 
fhould  mean,  it  gave  a  fudden  Jerk,  whereby  one 


abftrafted  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims. 
As  thofe  Works  are  acceffible  entire, 
in  tolerable  Reprints,  few  Notes  will 
be  needed  fo  far  as  thofe  are  follow 
ed. 

45  This  Paragraph  is  very  much 
abridged.  When  "  they  had  march 
ed  about  the  Space  of  a  Mile  by 
the  Sea,  they  efpied  flue  or  fix 
People  with  a  Dogge,  comming 
towards  them,  who  were  Sauages, 
who  when   they  faw  them,  ran 
'  into  the  Woods  and  whittled  the 


'  Dogge  after  them.     At  fir  ft  they 
'  fuppofed  them  to  be  Mafter  Jones, 
'  the  Mafter  andffome  of  his  Men, 
'  for  they  were  a  Shoare,  and  knew 
'  of  their  comming ;  but  after  they 
knew  them  to   be  Indians  they 
marched    after    them    into    the 
Wood,  leaft  other  of  the  Indians 
'  mould  lye  in  Ambufh  :  but  when 
the  Indians  faw  our  Men  follow- 
'  ing   them,    they   ran  away  with 
'  Might  and  Maine."     Mourt  in 
'  Purcbas,  1 843-4.     See^alfoJBel- 
knap's  Amer.  JBzog.,  ii,  194-5, 


[64] 

of  the  Company  was  caught  up  by  the  Leg,  it  be 
ing  an  Indian  Deer  Trap  ;46  the  reft  loofed  him, 
and  at  laft  they  found  their  Way  to  the  Ship  again. 

After  this  their  Shallop  being  fitted  for  the  Pur- 
pofe,  they  went  a  coafting  [6]  upon  Difcovery,  but 
of  fome  Dayes  could  meet  with  no  Indians.  Albeit 
they  found  old  deferted  Indian  Forts,  and  more  of 
their  Corn  and  Bafkets,  and  a  Bottle  of  Oyle  which 
doubtlefs  fome  how  was  brought  out  of  Europe.47 

About  the  tenth  of  December,  they  difcerned 
the  Track  of  Indians  Feet  upon  the  Sand,  and  fol 
lowed  it,  till  they  perceived  where  it  ftruck  up  into 
the  Woods,  at  laft  they  light  upon  an  Indian  Path, 
which  led  them  a  great  Way  up  into  the  Woods, 
and  faw  where  there  had  been  Corn  planted,  and 
*found  Indian  Graves  &c.  but  no  Man  appeared.48 

So  they  returned  to  their  Shallop,  and  fome 
watching,  others  betook  themfelves  to  their  Reft. 
But  in  the  Night  they  were  alarmed  by  the  Senti- 


4(3  "  Stephen  Hopkins  faid  it  had 
beene  to  catch  fome  Deere  ;  fo  as 
we  were  looking  at  it,  William 
Bradford,  being  in  the  Reare, 
when  he  came  looking  alfo  vpon 
it,  and  as  he  went  about,  it  gave 
a  fodaine  lerke  vp,  and  he  was 

"  immediately  caught  by  theLegge  " 

Ibid.,  1845. 

47  «  We  marched  to  the  Place 
"  where  we  had  the  Corne  formerly, 
"  which  Place  we  called  Corne-bill, 
"  and  digged  and  found  the  reft,  of 
"  which  we  were  very  glad :  we 
"  alfo  digged  in  a  Place  a  little  far- 
*'  ther  off,  and  found  a  Bottle  of 


Oyle.  We  went  to  another  Place 
which  we  had  feen  before  and 
digged  and  found  more  Corn,  viz. 
two  or  three  Bafkets  full  of  Indian 
Wheat,  and  a  Bag  of  Beans,  with 
a  good  many  of  faire  Wheateares. 
Whilft  fome  of  vs  were  digging 
vp  this,  fome  others  found  another 
Heape  of  Corne,  which  they  dig 
ged  vp  alfo,  fo  we  had  in  all 
about  ten  Buftiels."  Mourt  in 
Pure  has,  1845. 

48  The  "  Indian  Graves  "  are 
minutely  defcribed  by  Mourtj  in 
Purcbas,  1845,  1847.  See  alfo 
Belknap's  Amer.  Biog.,  ii,  197. 


nels  crying  Arm,  Arm,  fuppofing  Indians  to  be 
near  them.  They  heard  a  moft  hideous  Howling, 
but  one  in  the  Company  perfwaded  the  reft,  that 
it  was  the  Noyfe  of  Wolves  and  Foxes,  which  ufed 
(as  he  faid)  to  make  fuch  a  Noife  in  New-found- 
Land  where  he  had  been,  too  Gunns  were  mot  off, 
at  which  the  Noife  ceafed. 

But  betimes  in  the  Morning,4?  on  a  fudden,  they 
heard  the  fame  Voices  again,  and  one  of  the  Com 
pany  cryed  Indians,  Indians,  and  immediately  Ar- 
rowes  came  pouring  in  upon  them.  This  barbar 
ous  Salutation  was  amazing  to  the  Englifh,  but  that 
which  did  moft  of  all  terrife  was  the  horrid  Cry  of 
thofe  Salvages,  whofe  Note  was  after  this  Manner, 
Woach  woach  ba  hahoac  woach.  A  ftout  Indian  who 
was  thought  to  be  their  Captain,  ftanding  behind 
a  Tree  let  fly  his  Arrows  apace,  and  ftood  three 
Shotts  of  a  Mufket,  until  one  took  full  Aim  at  him, 
•and  (as  'tis  fuppofed)  forely  wounded  him,  upon 
which  he  gave  an  extraordinary  Shriek  and  went 
away,  and  all  the  other  Indians  fled  with  him. 
Providence  fo  ordered  as  that  none  of  the  Englifh 
received  any  Hurt,  though  they  gathered  up 
eighteen  Arrows50  (and  many  more  were  mot  at 
them)  fome  whereof  were  headed  with  Brafs,  others 

49  "  About  fiue  a  Clocke  in  the  "  Men,  Indians,  Indians;  and  withal 

Morning  we  began  to  be  ftirring,  "  their  Arrowes  came  flying amongft 

vpon  a  fudden  wee  heard  a  great  "  vs." 
and  ftrange  Cry,  which  we  knew 

to  be  the  fame  Voices,   though         50  "  Wee  tooke  vp  eighteene  of 

they  varied  their  Notes ;  one  of  "  their  Arrowes,   which  wee  had 

the  Company  being  abroad  came  "  Jent  to  England  by  Matter  Jones," 

running  in,  and  cried,   They  are  Sec. 

I 


[66  ] 

with  Harts-horn,  others  with  Eagles  Claws,  and 
fundry  of  the  Englifh  had  their  Coats  fhot  through 
and  through.*1 

December  1 9.  The  Englifh  landed  and  refolved 
to  endeavor  the  fetling  of  a  Plantation,  at  that 
Place  which  is  now  called  Plymouth.  No  Indians 
then  as  yet  appeared  to  give  them  any  Difturbance : 
yea  though  Ibme  were  lent  to  feek  after  them,  they 
could  find  none. 

There  were  not  many  Dayes*1  after  this,  two 
Englimmen*3  who  being  by  the  Side  of  a  Pond 
hapned  to  fee  a  Deer,  and  having  Dogs  with  them, 
they  purfued  the  Deer  until  fuch  Time  as  they  loft 
themielves  in  the  Woods,  where  they  were  forced 
to  lodge  that  Night,  and  were  terrified  with  the 
Yelling  (as  it  feemed  to  them)  of  two  Lions,  who 

51 1  do  not  find  this  mentioned  in  furniflied  with  a  Copy   containing 
Mourt  or  any  other  earlier  Writer  Erafures    and   verbal    Alterations, 
than  our  Author.     But  Mourt  does  Capt.  Edward  Johnfon,  who  came 
fay,    f '  thofe    Arrowes  wee   found  over  ten  Years  after  the  firft  Ply- 
"  were  almoft  couered  with  leaues ;  mouth  Settlers,  was  doubtlefs  inti- 
"  yet  by  the  fpeciall  Prouidence  of  mate  with  fome  of  the  firft  that  came 
"  God,  none  of  them  either  hit  or  there,   and  heard  from  their  own 
"  hurt  vs."    Purchas,  1 847.     Yet  Lips  fome  of  the  Circumftances  of 
in  the  feparate  Work  of  Mourl  we  their  Settlement.     See  his  Wonder- 
read,    "  though    many    [Arrows]  Working  Providence,  Pages  17,  1 8, 
"  came  clofe  by  vs  and  on  euery  Ed.  4°  London,    1654.     See    alfo 
"  Side  of  vs,  and  fome  Coates  which  Bradford's  Hiftory,  85  and  86,  who 
"  hung  vp  in  our  Barricade  were  agrees  exactly  with  Mourt,  though   ] 
"  mot  through  and  through."  in  fome  Inftances  he  is  more  par- 
It  is  not  ftrange  that  there  mould  ticular,  and  in  others  lefs  fo. 
be  found  fome  Variation  in  the  dif 
ferent  Narratives.     Purchas  is  faid  52  January  I2th,  1621. 
to  haue  abridged  Mourt's  Relation. 

We  know  there  is  more  in  the  Re-  53  "  lohn  Goodman  and  Peter 

lation  as  originally  printed  than  in  "  Browne."      Mourt,      Goodman 

Purchas.     But  he  may  have  been  died  foon  after  Bradford. 


[67 

roared  exceedingly,  and  [7]  a  third  that  they 
thought  very  neer  them :  they  betook  themfelves 
to  a  Tree  purpofing  if  the  Lions  mould  come  to 
climb  that  for  their  Security ;  but  they  faw  none.54 
The  next  Day  they  perceived  that  Indians  had 
made  Fires  thereabouts,  but  it  was  wel  they  met 
not  with  any  until  they  came  home,  being  then 
unarmed  and  not  fit  for  Encounter  with  fuch 
Enemies. 

Now  it  was  that  a  fpecial  Providence  of  another 
Nature  hapned :  For  the  Englim  having  built  an 
Houle  in  Plymouth,  a  Spark  of  Fire  flying  into  the 
Thatch,  it  was  inftantly  burnt  down.  Mr.  Carver 
and  Mr.  Bradford  were  then  fick,  yet  if  they  had 
not  rifen  with  good  fpeed,  they  had  been  blown  up 
with  Powder.  The  Houfe  was  full  of  Beds  as 
they  could  lye  one  by  another,  and  their  Muikets 
charged,  yet  (through  the  good  Providence  of  God) 
no  hurt  done.55 


54  Several  of  the  early  Writers 
imagined  that  Lions  were  found  in 
New  England.  Thofe  Writers  do 
not  feem  to  have  known  that  the 
Lion  could  not  exift  fo  far  north. 
Wood,  Joflelyn,  Johnfon,  Vander- 
donk,  and  it  may  be  others,  write 
of  the  Exiftence  of  Lions  in  New 
England.  The  firft  named  Author 
fays :  "  I  will  not  fay  that  ever  I 
faw  any  myfelf ;  but  fome  have 
heard  fuch  terrible  roarings,  as 
have  made  them  much  aghaft ; 
which  muft  be  either  Devils  or 
Lions."  But  Morton,  the  Ma 
ligner,  was  probably  more  of  a 
Naturalift  than  any  of  the  Writers 


above  named.     He  fays  there  are 
no  Lions  in  New  England.     "  It  is 
contrary  to    the    Nature  of  the 
Bead    to    frequent  Places  accuf- 
tomed  to  Snow;  being  like  the 
Catt,  that  will  hazard  the  burn 
ing  of  her  Tayle  rather  than  abide 
from  the  Fire."     New   Englijb 
Canaan,  Pt.  ii,  Chap.  v. 

55  This  Calamity  befel  them  on 
the  1 4th  of  January,  1621.  "  The 
Houfe  was  fired  occafionally  [ac 
cidentally]  by  a  Sparke  that  flew 
into  the  Thatch,  which  inftantly 
burnt  it  all  vp,  but  the  Roof  flood 
and  little  hurt ;  the  moft  lofle  was 


[68  ] 

Febr.  1 6.  An  Englifh-man  that  had  gone  forth 
upon  a  fowling  Difign,  efpied  twelve  Indians 
marching  towards  the  Englifh  Plantation  and  heard 
the  Noife  of  many  more  not  far  off,  he  lay  clofe 
until  they  were  gone  by,  and  then  with  all  Speed 
returned  home  and  gave  the  Alarm,  but  no  In 
dians  followed,  only  they  took  away  the  Tools  of 
the  Englifh  that  had  been  at  work  in  the  Woods. 

The  next  Day  two  Indians  prefented  themfelves 
at  the  Top  of  an  Hill,*6  two  Englifh  went  out  to 
parly  with  them,57  but  they  ran  away,  and  the 
Noife  of  a  Multitude  of  them  was  heard  on  the 
other  Side  of  the  Hill. 

In  the  Beginning  of  March,  an  Indian  called 
Samofet  came  boldly  along  the  Houfes  which  they 
had  built  in  Plymouth,  and  to  their  great  Amaze 
ment  fpake  to  them  in  Englifh,  faying  Welcome 
Englijhmen  :  This  Indian  was  a  Sagamore  belonging 
to  the  Northern  Parts  about  Monbiggen,^  where  he 
had  often  converfed  with  Englifh  Fifhermen,  and 
he  had  learned  to  fpeak  broken  Englifh ;  Hee  was 
the  firft  Indian  that  they  of  Plymouth  had  oppor 
tunity  to  difcourfe  with.  Hee  could  tel  them  of 
the  Huggery  (as  he  called  it)  i.  e.  Fight,  which  the 
Englifh  had  with  the  NauJ/et^  Indians ;  and  that 

'  Matter  Gamer's  and  [Mr.]  Wil-  ^  Capt.    Standifh   and    Stephen 

'  liam  Bradford's,  who    then    lay  Hopkins.     Mourt. 

'  ficke  in  Bed,  and  if  they  had  not 

'  rifen  with  good  Speed,  had  been  5S  Monhegan,  an  important  and 

'  blowne  vp  with  Powder."  Mourt  well  known  Ifland  on  the  Coaft  of 

'  in  Purcbafe,  iv.  1848.  Maine.     It  was  varioufly  written, 

which  has  confufed  fome  Authors. 
*s  Since  called  Watfon's  Hill.  Its 

Indian  Name  was  Cantaugcanteeft.  59  The  Affair  with  the  lamented 


[69 


the  Name  of  that  Place  was  called  Patuxet  where 
a  Multitude  of  Indians  had  formerly  lived,  but  they 
were  all  dead  of  the  Plague  which  had  been  there 
a  few  Years  before  the  Englifh  came.60  This 


Dermer.  A  Letter  written  by  him 
within  a  Month  of  his  Difafter  is 
preferved  by  Gov.  Bradford  in  his 
Hiftory.  Bradford  fays  it  was  given 
him  by  a  Friend.  No  doubt  by 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 

00  It  happened  in  1617,  or  per 
haps  1616-17.     The  moft  authen 
tic  Account  of  it  is  given,  by  Capt. 
Dermer,  in  a  Letter  dated  at  Vir 
ginia,  27  Dec.  1619,  "to  his  Wor- 
'  Ihipful  Friend,  M.  Samvel  Pvr- 
'  chas."     He  fays,  he  failed  from 
vlonhegan  May  igth.     "  I  patted 
'  alongft  the  Coaft  where  I  found 
'  fome  ancient  Plantations,  not  long 
'  fince  populous  now  vtterly  void ; 
'  in  other  Places  a  Remnant  re- 
'  maines,  but  not  free  of  Sicknefle. 
'  Their  Difeafe  the  Plague,  for  we 
'  might  perceiue  the  Sores  of  fome 
'  that  had  efcaped,  who  defcribed 
'  the  Spots  of  fuch  as  vfually  die. 
'  When  I   arrived  at  my  Sauages 
'  native  Country  [afterwards  Ply- 
'  mouth]    (finding  all  dead)  I  tra- 
'  uelled  alongft  a  daies  lourney  weft- 
*  ward,  to  a  Place  called  Nummaf- 
'  taquyt     [fince     Middleborough] 
'  where  finding  Inhabitants,"  &c. 
Purchas,    1778.       Gov.    Bradford 
fays  under  Date  of  1621,  the  In 
dians  about  Plymouth  "  not  many, 
"  being  dead  and  abundantly  wafted 
"  in  the  late  great  Mortalitie  which 
"  fell  in  all  thefe  Parts  about  three 
"  Years  before  the  coming  of  the 


"  Englifh ;  wherein  thoufands  of 
"  them  dyed,  they  not  being  able 
"  to  bury  one  another.  Their 
"  Sculls  and  Bones  were  found  in 
"  many  Places  lying  ftill  above 
"  Ground,  where  their  Houfes  and 
'  Dwellings  had  been.  A  very  fad 
"  Spectacle  to  behould.  But  they 
"  [the  Indians]  brought  Word 
'  that  the  Narighanfets  lived  but 
'  on  the  other  fide  of  that  great 
'  Bay,  and  were  a  ftrong  People, 
'  and  many  in  Number,  living 
'  compare  together,  and  had  not 
"  been  at  all  touched  with  this 
"  wafting  Plague."  Bradford's  Hifi. 
Plymouth,  1 02.  Thomas  Morton 
thinks  the  Difeafe  was  the  Plague,  and 
intimates  that  it  was  his  Belief  that 
"  the  Hand  of  God  fell  heavily 
"  upon  them"  for  their  Cruelty  to 
the  Crews  of  the  Ships  they  had 
taken ;  and  relates,  that  when  one 
of  their  Captives  told  them  God 
would  deftroy  them  for  their  Wick- 
ednefs,  boaftingly  replied  that  they 
were  too  ftrong  for  him ;  in  other 
Words,  "  they  were  fo  many  God 
"  could  not  lull  them."  But  fays 
that  Author,  "  the  Hand  of  God 
"  fell  heavily  upon  them,  with  fuch 
"  a  mortal  Stroake,  that  they  died 
"  on  Heapes,  as  they  lay  in  their 
"  Houfes ;  and  the  Living  that  were 
"  able  to  fhift  for  themfelves  would 
"  run  away  and  let  them  dy,  and 
"  let  there  Carkafes  ly  above  Ground 
"  without  buriall.  And  the  Bones 


[  70  ] 

Samofet  within  a  few  Dayes  after  his  Departure 
returned  again,  and  brought  Squantum  (whom  that 
wicked  Hunt  had  flolen  away  and  fold  for  a  Slave) 
along  with  him :  which  Squantum  was  born  in 
that  Place.  Samofet  and  Squantum  made  it  their 
Bufinefs  to  bring  the  Englifti  into  Acquaintance 
with  the  next  neighboring  Indians  i 6l  where 
fore  they  undertook  to  bring  MaJJafoit  (Father  to 
that  Philip  who  began  the  War  with  the  Englijh 
lun.  24.  1675.)  to  treat  with  the  Englijh  at  Ply 
mouth. 

[8]  Accordingly,  March  22.  MaJJafoit  with  his 
Brother  £>uadequina  came  accompanied  with  about 
fixty  of  his  Men ;  and  an  Agreement  of  Peace  be 
tween  the  Englijh  and  Indians  was  then  concluded 


"  and    Skulls    upon    the    feverall 

"  Places  of  their  Habitations,  made 

fuch  a  Spectacle  after  my  coming 

into  thofe  Parts,  that  as  I  travailed 

in  that  Forreft,  nere  the  Mafla- 

chufetts,  it  feemed  to  me  a  new 

found  Golgotha."     New  Englijh 

Canaan,  iii. 

01  The  firft  friendly  Interview 
between  the  Pilgrims  and  the  In 
dians  is  graphically  and  quaintly  re 
lated  in  Mourt's  Journal.  It  was 
omitted  by  Mr.  Mather,  becaufe  the 
Prefence  of  Indians  at  the  Time  he 
wrote  was  too  common  a  Thing  to 
be  of  any  Intereft  to  his  New  Eng 
land  Readers.  But  no  valid  Excufe 
could  be  given  for  its  Omiffion  in 
thefe  Times. 

"  On  this  Day  [Sunday,  March 
"  1 8]  came  againe  the  Sauage,  and 
"  brought  with  him  fiue  other  tall 


"  proper  Men,  they  had  euery  Man 

"  a  Deeres  Skin  on  him,   and  the 

"  Principal!    of  them   had  a  wild 

"  Cat's  Skin,  or  fuch  like,  on  the 

"  one  Arme:  they  had  moft  of  them 

'  long  Hofen  vp  to  their  Groynes, 

'  clofe    made;    and    aboue    their 

'  Groynes  to  their  Waft  another 

'  Leather,     they   were    altogether 

'  like  the  /rj^-troufes ;  they  are  of 

'  complexion  like  our  Englifti  Gip- 

'  feys,   no  Haire  or  very  little  on 

'  their  Faces,  on  their  Heads  long 

"  Haire  to  the  Shoulders,  onely  cut 

"  before ;    fome  trufled  vp   before 

"  with  a  Feather,  broadwife,  like  a 

"  Fan,  another  a  Fox  Taile  hang- 

"  ing  out:  thofe  left  (according  to 

"  our  Charge  giuen  him  [Samofet] 

"  before)  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes 

"  a  Quarter  of  a   Mile  from    our 

"  Towne."     Mourt   in  Purcbafe, 

iv,  1849. 


on.  This  Peace  was  in  more  Refpects  then  one 
fingularly  advantagious  to  the  Englijh,  whilft  they 
were  thus  but  few  in  Number,  and  Strangers  in 
this  Land.62 

And  as  for  the  Reafons  inducing  Maffafoit  to 
this  Accord  with  the  Englifh,  there  were  feveral 
Things  that  prevailed  with  him  thereunto ;  For 
Squantum6*  had  told  him  what  a  great  Prince  King 
James  was,  and  how  well  he  would  take  it  if  his 
Subjects  were  kindly  entertained,  and  how  ill  if 


c>'2  Maflaflbit's  Vifit  to  Plymouth, 
and  the  Treaty  then  entered  into 
between  the  Englifh  and  Indians, 
forms  one  of  the  moft  interefting 
Chapters  in  the  Hiftory  of  New 
England.  As  Juftice  to  the  Subjeft 
can  hardly  be  done  in  a  Note,  and 
as  many  Works  are  acceflible 
containing  the  full  Details,  a  Re 
ference  to  them  muft  here  fuffice. 
See  Bradford's  Hiftory,  Morton's 
Memorial,  Hubbard's  'Narrative, 
Prince's  Annals,  Holmes's  Annals, 
Cheever,  and  Young's  Edition  of 
Mourt's  Journal,  &c.,  &c. 

63  His  Name  is  given  in  the  early 
Accounts  Tiffquantum ;  in  fome  of 
the  later  ones  Squando,  and  Squanto. 
He  was  one  of  the  five  Natives  car 
ried  from  New  England  by  Capt. 
Weymouth  in  1605.  He  had  been 
fo  much  with  the  Englifh  that  he 
was  a  very  tolerable  Interpreter  to 
the  Pilgrims  in  their  early  Inter- 
courfe  with  the  Indians.  But  he 
was  a  mifchievous  Fellow  and  caufed 
much  Trouble  between  the  Englifh 
and  his  Countrymen,  by  circulating 
falfe  Reports.  So  much  were  they 


incenfed  againft  him  for  his  evil 
Practices,  that  MafTaflbit  directed 
that  he  mould  be  put  to  Death. 
But  the  Pilgrims  knew  not  how  to 
fpare  him  he  had  made  himfelf  fo 
ufeful  to  them  as  well  in  other  re- 
fpefts  as  an  Interpreter.  They 
managed  however  to  appeafe  his 
Wrath,  and  Squantum  efcaped 
Death  at  that  Time.  He  was  born 
in  or  near  Plymouth,  and  was  the 
only  one  belonging  to  that  Place 
who  efcaped  the  Plague  before 
fpoken  of.  In  Nov.  1612,  he  ac 
companied  the  Englifh  to  the  fouth- 
erly  Part  of  Cape  Cod  to  procure 
Corn,  of  which  they  flood  in  great 
need.  Through  Tifquantum's  In 
tervention  eight  Hogfheads  were 
obtained.  This  Tranfaftion  was 
at  a  Place  called  by  the  Indians 
Manamoycke,  fince  by  the  Englifh 
Monamoy,  now  Chatham.  Here 
Tifquantum  was  taken  fick  of 
Fever  and  in  a  few  Days  died. 
Bradford  fays  he  died  of  "  an  In- 
"  dean  Feavor,  bleeding  much  at 
"  the  Nofe  (which  the  Indeans  take 
"  for  a  Simptome  of  Death)." 
Hi/}.  Plymouth,  128. 


otherwife,  and  how  eafy  it  was  for  him  to  fend  over 
Ships  and  Men  enough  to  deftroy  Maffafoit  and  all 
his  People.  At  that  Time  alfo  there  was  Enmity 
between  Maffafoit  and  the  Narraganfets,  fo  that  he 
hoped  the  Engli/h  might  be  a  Defence  to  him 
againft  them.  Thus  did  the  Feud  which  was  kin 
dled  amongft  the  Indians,  one  againft  another,  ad 
vantage  the  poor  Church  in  Plymouth.  Sic  Canes 
lingunt  ulcera  Lazari. 

Moreover  the  Confideration  of  the  Guns,  and 
other  warlike  Weapons  which  ours  brought  with 
them  was  terrible  to  the  Indians,  yea,  they  had 
more  formidable  Apprehenfions  thereof,  than  there 
was  real  Caufe  for  :  They  imagined  that  the  Engli/h 
could  by  their  great  Guns  caufe  the  Trees  to  fall 
down  and  kill  the  Indians.  Furthermore  Sqantum 
did  wickedly  poflefs  them  with  one  Delufion  about 
the  Englifh,  which  had  difmal  Impreffions  upon  the 
Minds  of  thefe  ignorant  Barbarians ;  For  whereas 
the  Plague  (a  Difeafe  which  was  never  known  in 
this  Land  before  or  fince)  had  newly  been  raging 
amonft  them,  whereby  many  of  their  Towns 
were  totally  depopulated,  and  defolated :  he  made 
them  believe  that  the  Englifh  kept  the  Plague  in  a 
Place  under  Ground,  and  that  they  could  let  it 
loofe  upon  the  Indians  when  they  would.  An 
Indian  called  Hobbomock  one  of  Maffafoits  Counfel- 
lors,  obferving  in  one  of  the  Englifh  Routes  a  kind 
of  Cellar,  where  fome  Barrels  of  Powder  were  be- 
ftowed,  enquired  of  Squantum  what  that  was.  To 
whom  he  replyed,  that  there  the  Englim  kept  the 
Plague  that  he  told  them  of,  which  they  could  let 


[  73  ] 

loofe  upon  Indians  at  Pleafure.  When  this  Hobbomock 
become  acquainted  with  the  Englifh,  he  ferioufly 
afked  them  whether  they  had  any  fuch  Power,  they 
anfwered  him  truly  that  they  had  not,  but  withall 
added  that  the  God  whom  they  ferved  had  Power 
to  fend  that  or  any  other  Difeafe  upon  thofe  that 
fhould  doe  any  Wrong  to  his  People.  The  Conlid- 
eration  of  that  alfo,  was  fome  Terror  to  the  Indians. 
In  the  Month  of  "June  1621.  The  Englifh  fent 
MefTengers64  with  a  Prefent  to  Maffafoit  at  Poca- 
nokety^  By  the  Way  they  were  accofted,  with  fev- 
eral  of  the  Indians,  who  having  them  at  an  Advan 
tage  as  they  pafled  [9]  through  a  River,66  were 
ready  to  moot  at  them  :  Only  having  Indian 
Guides  Interpreters  in  their  Company,  who  gave 
them  to  underftand  that  they  were  Friends,  no 
hurt  was  done.67  Being  come  to  Maffafoit,  they 


64  Stephen  Hopkins  and  Edward 
Winflow.     They  fet  out  June  i  oth. 


65  "  Partly  to  know  where  to  find 
them,  if  Occafion  ferued,  as  alfo 
to  fee  their  Strength,  difcouer  the 
Countrey,  preuent  Abufes  in  their 
diforderly  coming  vnto  vs,  make 
Satisfaction  for  fome  conceiued 
Iniuries  to  be  done  on  our  Parts,, 
and  to  continue  the  League  of 
Peace  and  Friendfhip  betweene 
them  and  vs.  And  hauing  a  fit 
Opportunitie  by  Reafon  of  a 
Sauage  called  Tijquantum  (that 
could  fpeak  Englifh)  coming  vnto 
vs :  with  all  Expedition  prouided 
a  Horfeman's  Coat  of  red  Cotton, 
and  laced  with  a  flight  Lace  for 
a  Prefent,  that  both  they  and  their 

K 


"  Meflage  might  bee  more  accepta- 
"  ble  amongft  them."  Mourt  in 
Pur  chafe,  1851.  Bradford's  Hift., 
p.  1 02. 

68  Probably  Tehticut  River. 
'  Being  willing  to  haften  our  lour- 
"  ney  we  went,  and  came  thither 
'  at  Sunne  fetting,  where  we  found 
'  many  of  the  Namafcheucks  (they 
'  fo  calling  the  Men  of  Namafk- 
'  chet)  fifhing  vpon  a  Ware  which 
'  they  had  made  on  a  Riuer  which 
'  belonged  to  them,  where  they 
'  caught  abundance  of  Bafle/' 
Pur  chafe,  ib. 

07  Our  Author  has  given  us  fuch 
a  miferable  Abftradl  of  his  Author 
ities  at  this  Point,  that  I  mould  feel 


[74  ] 

prefented  him  with  a  red  Cotton  Coat,  whereon 
was  fome  Lace,  this  he  accepted  with  great  Thank- 
fulnefs,  and  having  put  it  on  (faith  my  Author)  He 
was  not  a  little  proud  to  behold  himfelf,  and  his  Men 
alfo  to  behold  their  King  fo  bravely  attired.  He 
then  promifed  to  continue  in  Amity  with  the  Eng- 
lifh,  and  to  take  Care  that  his  Men  mould  not  be 
injurious.68 


that  I  had  done  Injuftice  were  I  to 
omit  the  following  remarkably  in- 
terefting  Paflage : 

"  The  next  Morning  [June  I  ith] 
'  wee  brake  our  Faft,  tooke  our 
'  leaue  and  departed,  being  then 
'  accompanied  with  fome  fixe  Sau- 
'  ages,  hauing  gone  about  fixe  Miles 
'  by  the  Riuer  fide,  at  a  knowne 
1  fhoale  Place,  it  being  low  Water, 
'  they  fpake  to  vs  to  put  off  our 
'  Breeches,  for  wee  muft  wade 
'  thorow.  Here  let  mee  not  for- 
'  get  the  Valour  and  Courage  of 
'  fome  of  the  Sauages,  on  the  op- 
'  pofite  Side  of  the  Riuer,  for  there 
'  were  remainining  aliue  onely  two 
'  Men,  both  aged,  efpecially  the  one 
'  being  aboue  threefcore :  Thefe 
'  two  efpying  a  Company  of  Men 
'  entring  the  Riuer,  ran  very  fwiftly 
'  and  low  in  the  Grafle  to  meet  vs 
'  at  the  Banke,  where  with  fhrill 
'  Voyces  and  great  Courage,  ftand- 
'  ing  charged  vpon  vs  with  their 
'  Bowes,  they  demanded  what 
'  wee  were,  fuppofing  vs  to  be  Ene 
mies,  and  thinking  to  take  Ad- 
'  uantage  of  vs  in  the  Water :  but 
'  feeing  wee  were  Friends,  they 
'  welcomed  vs  with  fuch  Food  as 
'  they  had,  and  we  beftowed  a 


"  fmall  Bracelet  of  Beads  on  them. 
"  Thus  far  we  are  fure  the  Tide 
"  ebbes  and  flowes."  Mourt  in 
Purcbafe/w,  1851-2.  The  Point 
at  which  they  crofled  is  not  clearly 
afcertained. 

68  When  Hopkins  and  Winflow 

arrived    at    Maflafoit's    town,     the 

Chief  was  not  at  home.     He  was 

immediately  fent  for,   "  and  being 

come  we  difcharged  our  Peeces, 

and  faluted  him,  who  after  their 

Manner  kindly  welcomed  vs,  and 

tooke  vs  into  his  Houfe,  and  fet 

vs  downe  by  him,  where  hauing 

delivered  our  Meflage  and  Pre- 

fents,  and  having  put  the  Coat  on 

his  Backe,  and  the  Chaine  about 

his    Necke,    he    was    not  a  little 

proud  to  behold  himfelfe,  and  his 

Men   alfo   to  fee   their  King  fo 

brauely  attired."     Among  other 

Things    he    faid   his    Men    mould 

no    more    annoy    the    Englifh    at 

Plymouth    by    their  ill    timed  In- 

trufions.      He   then   deliuered   "  a 

"  great  Speech"  to  his  Men,  fetting 

forth  his  Importance,  naming  "  at 

"  leaft  thirtie  Places  "  as  belonging 

to    him,    to   which    they  aflented. 

The   Speech   appeared   to    delight 


[75  ] 

About  this  Time  it  was  that  an  Englifh  Lad  (one 
lohn  Billington)  loft  himfelf  in  the  Woods,  living 
five  Days  upon  Berries  untill  he  fel  into  the  Hands 
of  the  Indians.  Some  were  (upon  MaiTafoits  In 
formation)  fent  to  Noflet  to  feek  after  him,69  when 
they  came  thither  the  Indians  flocked  together, 
many  not  having  feen  Englifhmen  before:  Amongft 
others  there  was  an  old  Woman,  judged  to  be  an 
hundred  Years  old,  who  when  me  faw  the  Englifh 
fel  into  an  extream  Paflion  of  bitter  weeping,  the 


the  Indians,  but  very  tedious  to 
the  Englifhmen.  He  then  "light- 
"  ed  tobacco  for  them  and  fell  to 
"  difcourfing  of  England,  and  of  the 
"  King's  Maieftie,  maruelling  that 
"  he  would  liue  without  a  Wife." 
Mourt  in  Purchafe,  iv,  1852.  Thefe 
Englifh  MefTengers  had  a  moft  un 
comfortable  Sojourn  with  MafTaf- 
foit :  "  For  what  with  bad  lodging, 
"  the  Sauages  barbarous  Singing  (for 
"  they  ufe  to  fing  themfelves  afleepe), 
"  Lice  and  Fleas  within  Doores, 
"  and  Mufkeetoes  without,  wee 
"  could  hardly  fleepe  all  the  Time 
"  of  our  being  there."  Ibid. 

69  The  Author  as  in  numerous 
other  Cafes  throughout  his  Relation, 
does  great  Injuftice  to  his  Authori 
ties  ;  often  rendering  it  difficult  to 
fupply  his  Defefts  in  the  compafs  of 
a  Note.  The  Englifh  firft  hear  of 
their  loft  Boy  at  Cummaqutd,  and 
with  ten  of  their  Number  proceed 
thither  with  their  two  Indian 
Friends,  Tifquantum  and  Tokama- 
hamon.  Here  they  learned  "  that 
"  the  Boy  was  well,  but  that  he 


'  was  at  Naufet ;  yet  fince  we  were 

'  there  they  of  [Cummaquid]  de- 

'  fired  vs  to  come   afhore  and  eat 

'  with  them :  which   as   foone   as 

'  our   Boate   floated  we  did :  and 

'  went  fixe   afhoare,  hauing  foure 

'  Pledges   for  them  in  the  Boate. 

They  brought  vs  to  their  Sachem 

or  Governour,  whom  they  call 

lyanough,  a  Man  not  exceeding 

twenty  fix  Years  of  Age,  but  very 

perfonable,  gentle,  courteous,  and 

faire  conditioned,  indeede  not  like 

"  a  Sauage,  faue  for  his  Attyre  :  his 

"  Entertainment  was  anfwerable  to 

"  his  Parts,  and  his  Cheare  plenti- 

"  ful  and  various."  Purchas,  1853. 

Cummaquid  was   at  the  Bottom  of 

Barnftable    Bay,    fometimes    called 

Cummaquid  Bay. 

Refpefting  lyanougb,  Amos  Otis, 
Efq.,  the  Antiquary  and  Hiftorian 
of  Barnftable,  remarks  that  it  is  his 
Opinion,  that  from  lyanough  comes 
Hyannis ;  that  lyanough's  Town 
was  that  Part  of  Barnftable  called 
Hyannis.  Hyanna  is  early  found 
on  the  Records.  MS.  Letter,  9 
March,  1863.  See  APPENDIX,  D. 


C  76  ] 

Reafon  whereof  being  demanded,  Anfwer  was 
made,  that  me  had  three  Sons  once  living  in  that 
Place,  but  they  were  all  flolen  away  by  that  Hunt 
(before  mentioned)  and  now  me  had  no  more  left 
to  releeve  her  in  her  old  Age :  The  Englifh  were 
much  greived  to  fee  the  poor  Creature  in  inch  a  Paf- 
fion  but  telling  her  that  it  was  only  one  wicked  Man 
who  did  that  Fad:,  and  that  they  abhorred  it,  and 
withal  giving  her  fome  Trifles  me  was  fatisfied.  In 
fine  the  Englifh  Lad  was  brought  al  bedecked  with 
Peag,  and  the  Sacbim  of  that  Place  (called  Afpinet) 
made  Peace  with  the  Englifh.70 

Now  it  was   that  an   Indian  called  Coubatant11 


70  "  After  Dinner  we  tooke  Boate 
for  Naufet  [fmce  Eaftham],  lya- 
nough  and  two  of  his  Men  ac 
companying  vs.  Ere  we  came 
to  Naufet,  the  Day  and  Tide 
were  almoft  fpent,  in  fo  much  as 
we  could  not  go  in  with  our 
Shallop  ;  but  the  Sachim  or  Gov- 
ernour  of  Cummaquid  went  afhore 
and  his  Men  with  him,  we  alfo 
fent  Tifquantum  to  tell  Afpinet, 
the  Sachem  of  Naufet,  wherefore 
we  came.  After  Sunfet  Afpinet 
came  with  a  great  Traine,  and 
brought  the  Boy  with  him,  one 
bearing  him  through  the  Water : 
he  had  not  lefle  then  an  hundred 
with  him,  the  Half  whereof  came 
to  the  Shallop  fide  vnarmed  with 
him,  the  other  ftood  aloofe  with 
their  Bowe  and  Arrowes.  There 
he  delivered  vs  the  Boy  behung 
with  Beades,  and  made  Peace  with 
vs,  we  beftowing  a  Knife  on  him, 
and  likewife  on  another  that  firft  en 
tertained  the  Boy."  Purcbafe,  ib. 


71  Coubatant.  Winflow  calls  him 
Combitant.  Purchas,  iv,  1861  ; 
and  Bradford  Cor  bit  ant.  The  Affair 
about  to  to  be  related  took  place  in 
Auguft,  1621.  The  Machinations 
of  Corbitant  were  difcovered  on  the 
Return  of  the  Expedition  to  Naufet. 
Winflow  fays,  "  Word  was  brought 
"  unto  us  that  Coubatant,  whom 
'  they  ever  feared  to  be  too  con- 
verfant  with  the  Narrohigganfets, 
was  at  Namafchet,  fpeaking  dif- 
dainfully  of  us,  ftorming  at  the 
Peace  between  Naufet,  Cumma 
quid  and  us,  and  at  Tifquantum, 
the  Worker  of  it ;  alfo  at  Toka- 
mahamon  and  one  Hobbamock, 
two  Indians  our  Allies,  one  of 
which  he  would  treacheroufly 
have  murdered  a  litttle  before, 
being  a  fpecial  and  trufty  Man  of 
MafTafoyts."  Mourt  in  Young, 
219. 

Tifquantum  and  Hobbamock 
were  fent  to  Namafket  to  learn 
Corbitant's  Intentions.  Tifquan- 


(who,  though  a  petty  Sachem  under  MafTafoit, 
fecretly  confpired  with  the  Narraganfets  againft  his 
Matter)  occafioned  fome  Difturbance,  feeking  to 
deftroy  thofe  Indians  that  were  Friends  to  the 
Englifh,  efpecially  Hobbomock  and  Squantum,  faying 
if  thefe  were  dead  the  Englim  had  loft  their  Tongue, 
watching  his  Advantage  at  a  Time  when  thofe 
Indians  were  at  Namajket,  Coubatant  took  Squan~ 
turn  Prifoner,  and  held  a  Knife  at  Hobbomocks  Breaft, 
who  broke  from  him,  and  gave  the  Engliih  at 
Plymouth  to  understand  what  had  hapned ;  where 
upon  1 4.7*  Men  were  fent  armed  to  Namajket,  in 
order  to  revenge  Squantum's  fuppofed  Death.  They 
furprized  the  Houfe  where  Coubatant  was  thought 
to  be,  declaring  the  End  of  their  coming,  and  that 
they  would  hurt  no  Man  but  him,  charging  all 
others  not  to  ftir  at  their  Peril  til  they  had  fearched 
for  their  Enemy ;  Confternation  and  Trembling 
feyzed  on  the  Indians :  yet  fome  of  them  violently 
brake  away,  whence  they  were  wounded  (and  after 
wards  [10]  healed)  by  the  Englim,7^  Coubatant 
was  not  there,  but  fled  to  another  Place,  but  within 
a  while  ^quantum  was  brought  forth  alive  and  fet 

turn  was  taken  Prifoner,  and  was  73  "  As  for  thofe  that  were  wound- 
fuppofed  to  be  killed,  for  Corbitant  ed,  we  were  forry  for  it,  though 
had  faid  "  if  Tifquantum  was  dead,  themfelues  procured  it  in  not  ftay- 
"  the  Englim  had  loft  their  Tongue."  ing  in  the  Houfe  at  our  Corn- 
But  Hobbamock  made  his  Efcape  mand ;  yet  if  they  would  return 
and  arriving  at  Plymouth  gave  the  home  with  vs  our  Svergeons  mould 
Alarm.  heal  them.  At  this  Offer  one 

Man  and  a  Woman  that  were 

72  Ten  Men,  fays  Window,  un-  wounded   went   home  with  vs." 

der  the  Command  of  Capt.  Stand-  Winjlow. 
ifh. 


[  78   ] 

at  Liberty.  After  this  divers  other  Sachims  fent 
gratulations  to  the  Englim ;  yea  thofe  of  the  Ifles 
of  Capawack  entreated  their  Friendfhip.  Coubatant 
ufed  the  Mediation  of  MafFafoit  to  make  his  Peace. 

*i/     *f 

Things  being  brought  to  this  peaceable  State,  fo 
did  they  continue  for  a  little  Space,  the  Church  in 
Plymouth  being  preferved  by  a  Miracle  of  Provi 
dence,  like  a  Flock  of  Sheep  amidft  a  thoufand 
Wolves;  much  what  as  Luther  faith  the  Church 
fhouldbe  pictured.  Their  next  Neighbours  amongft 
the  Heathen  did  (as  hath  been  expreffed)  of  Ene- 
myes  become  their  Friends,  not  mewing  any  Acts 
of  Hoftility. 

Only  in  the  latter  End  of  the  next  Year,  Canonicus 
the  Narraganfet  Sachim,  fent  an  Indian  to  them, 
who  enquired  for  Squantum,  at  that  Time  gone 
fomewhither  elfe,  whereupon  the  Indian  left  a 
Bundle  of  Arrows,  wrapped  in  a  Rattle  Snakes 
Skin,  and  departed.  When  Squantum  was  return 
ed,  he  informed  the  Governour  that  the  Rattle 
Snakes  Skin  fignfied  Enmity,  and  that  the  Deiign 
of  this  bruitifh  Salutation  was  to  intimate  a  Chal 
lenge,  wherefore  the  Governour  filled  the  Snakes 
Skin  with  Powder  and  Shot,  and  fent  it  back  again, 
withal  giving  Canonicus  to  underftand,  that  if  he 
had  Shipping  at  hand,  he  would  endeavour  to  beat 
him  out  of  his  Countrey.74  The  Indians  durft  not 
let  the  Powder  and  Shot  continue  in  their  Houfes, 
but  every  one  was  afraid  to  meddle  with  it,  and  at 

74  «  This  Meflage  was  fent  by  an  "  as  it  was  no  fmall  Terror  to  the 
"  Indian,  and  delivered  in  fuch  Sort,  "  Savage  King."  Ibid. 


[79  ] 

laft  it  came  back  again  to  Plymouth.7*  And  there 
was  an  End  of  that  Matter.  Only  they  at  Plymouth 
were  by  this  Bruit  awakened  to  impale  their  Town, 
and  fortify,  left  there  fhould  be  an  Onfet  from  the 
Enemy.76 

In  the  meanwhile  Hobomock  (who  refided  with 
the  Englifh)  informed  that  there  was  Reafon  to 
fufpect  that  the  Maffachufet  Indians  were  Confede 
rate  with  the  Narraganfets  in  their  bloody  Defigns; 
and  Squantum  in  wicked  Subtilty,  laboured  to 
make  the  Engli/h  believe  that  Maffafoit  was  falfe  to 
them.  Capt.  Standijh  with  ten  Men77  was  fent  to 
Maffachufets  :  they  had  no  fooner  turned  the  Point 
of  the  Harbour78  but  there  came  an  Indian  running 
to  fome  of  the  Englijh  that  were  from  home,  hav 
ing  his  Face  wounded,  and  the  Blood  frefh  on  the 
fame  (Zopirus79-like)  calling  to  them  to  repair 
home,  and  of  looking  behind  him,  as  if  he  had 
been  purfued  by  Enemyes,  faying  that  at  Namajket 
there  were  many  of  the  Narraganfets,  and  Coubi- 

75  Canonicus  "  would   not  once         77  "  With  ten  Men,  accompanied 
'  touch  the  Powder  and   Shot,  or  "  with    Tifquantum    and    Hobba- 
'  fuffer  it  to  flay  in  his   Houfe  or  "  mock."     Winflow  was  doubtlefs 
'  Country.     Whereupon  the  Mef-  one  of  the  Party,  as  he  writes  of  the 
'  fenger  refufing  it,  another  took  it  Affair  in    the    firft    Perfon.     The 
'  up  ;  and  having  been  pofted  from  Time    is  the  Beginning    of  April, 
'Place  to  Place  a  long  Time,   at  1622.     We  thus  make  up  the  Num- 
'  length  came  whole  back  again."  ber  nearly  as  in  the  Text. 

Ib. 

7:5  Called  the  Gurnet's  Nofe,  but 

76  The  fortifying  the  Town  oc-     wherefore  does  not   appear.     Per- 
cupied  all  of  the  Month  of  February,     haps  from  Gurnards  in  the  Ifle  of 
1622  "  and  fome  few  Days  ;  taking     Wight.  « 

"  in  the  Top  of  the    Hill   under 

"  which  our  Town  is  fituated."  Ib.          ~9  Zopiro  ? 


tant,  and  that  MaJJafoit  was  Confederate  with  them, 
purpofing  to  aflault  the  Town  in  the  Captains 
Abfence,  profeffing  that  he  had  received  that 
Wound  in  his  Face,  becaufe  he  had  fpoken  on  the 
Englim  their  Behalfe.  [n]  Whenas  all  this  was  a 
Piece  of  artificial  and  miichievous  Diffimulation, 
whereby  the  Englim  were  put  into  a  fad  Fright, 
and  the  Great  Guns  were  difcharged  to  remand 
the  Captain  back  again,  who  immediately  returned. 
Hobbomock  was  confident  that  that  Indian  diflembled, 
for  he  was  allured  of  Maffafoit's  Fidelity  ;  however 
that  he  would  not  engage  in  a  Thing  of  that  Nature, 
without  confulting  him  who  was  one  of  hisPdTz/Vj'j-,80 
i.  e.  Champions  and  Counfellors,  and  it  was  againft 
the  Indian  Cuftom  for  a  Sacbim  to  involve  himfelf 
in  War  without  them.  Wherefore  Hobbomock  pri 
vately,  upon  the  Governour's  Advice  fent  his  Squaw 
to  Maffafoit  at  Pocanoket,  who  feemed  to  be  much 
troubled  that  the  Englifh,  and  he  himfelf  mould  be 
fo  abufed.  And  upon  Enquiry  it  was  found  to  be 
Sqantum's  Knavery,  who  fought  his  own  Ends  and 
plaid  his  own  Game ;  for  he  would  in  a  clandeftine 
Way,  make  the  Indians  believe  that  the  Englijh 
were  refolved  to  cut  them  off,  only  he  could  pre 
vent  it,  and  fo  would  obtain  Gifts  from  his  Coun- 
tryemen  to  prevent  their  Deftrudlion  by  the  Englijh, 
infomuch  that  the  blind  Salvages  began  to  have 
him  in  greater  Veneration  then  their  Sacbim;  taking 
him  for  their  Proteftor.  And  he  would  deal  with 

80  "  One  of  his  chiefeft  Champi-     low,  ib.     The  Word  was  exten- 
"  cms  or  Men  of  Valour."    Winf-     fively  ufed  by  the  Indians. 


[8!     ] 

no  leffe  Falfnefs  towards  the  Englifh  then  towards 
thofe  of  his  own  Nation. 

When  Maffafoit  underftood  thefe  Things  he  re 
paired  to  the  Englifh  Plantation,  endeavoring  to 
clear  his  Innocency,  defiring  the  Governour  that 
Squantum,  who  had  thus  abufed  both  Englifh  and 
Indians,  might  be  put  to  Death  for  his  Treafon. 
The  Governour  pacified  him  as  much  as  he  could 
for  the  prefent,  and  though  he  deferved  to  dy,  both 
in  refpect  of  Englifh  and  Indians,  yet  defired  he 
might  be  fpared,  becaufe  they  mould  want  an  In 
terpreter.81 

But  not  long  after  this,  Maffafoit  fent  divers  In- 
dians,vf\\o  brought  to  the  Governour,  their  Sachim's 
own  Knife  (according  to  the  Indian  Mode)  that 
his  Enemyes  Head  and  Hands  might  be  cut  ofF 
therewith. 

At  that  Inftant  when  the  Governour  was  about 
to  deliver  Squantum  into  the  Hands  of  his  Execu 
tioners,  a  Boat  was  feen  at  Sea,  and  there  being 
even  in  thofe  Days  Jealoufies,  that  the  French 
would  join  with  the  Indians  to  Mifchief  the  Eng 
lifh  ;  and  fome  fuppofing  it  might  be  a  French 
Veflel,  he  told  the  Indians  he  would  fee  what  that 
was  before  he  delivered  Squantum  up  to  them.  So 
did  they  go  away  difpleafed.82 

81  "  For  thefe   and  like  Abufes,          82  Winflow  fays  thefe  Meflengers 

"  the  Governour  fharply  reproved  were  "  mad  with  Rage  and  depart- 

"  him;  yet  was  he  fo  neceflary  and  "  ed  in  great  Heat."    Indeed  it  muft 

"  profitable    an   Inftrument,  as    at  be  owned  they  had  good  Reafon  for 

"  that   Time   we   could    not   mifs  their    Anger.     It  was  a  Breach  of 

"  him  "     Win/low.  good  Faith  his  not  being  given  up, 

L 


[  82   ] 

But  this  wrought  well  for  the  Englijh ;  for  it 
made  Squantum  be  honeft  whether  he  would  or 
no ;  inafmuch  as  his  own  Countreymen  fought  his 
Life ;  he  law  it  was  his  Intereft  to  adhere  to  the 
Englijh. 

As  for  the  Boat  mentioned  it  proved  to  be  one 
that  belonged  to  a  Ship  that  was  timing  about 
Monbiggen. 

Thefe  [12]  Things  hapned  in  May,  1622.  in 
which  Year  it  was  that  Mr.  \Tbomas]  Wefton  (a 
Merchant  of  good  Note  in  London]  attempted  the 
advancing  a  Plantation  in  this  MaJJacbufets  Bay** 
He  fent  over  two  Ships,  and  about  lixty  Men  to 
make  a  Beginning.  The  moft  of  them  were  for 
the  prefent  refrefhed  at  Plymouth,  whilft  fome  few 
Carters  went  out  to  feek  a  convenient  Place  to  fit 
down  in.  They  pitched  upon  a  Place  within 
Maffachufets  Bay,  then  called  by  the  Indians  Wef- 
Jegufquajet**  st  this  Day  known  by  the  Name  of 
Weymouth. 

Mr.  Win/low  (who  was  afterwards  Governour  of 
Plymouth  Colony]  reports  that  the  Weftonians,  in- 
ftead  of  proving  an  Help  to  the  other  Englijh 
Colony,  had  like,  within  a  few  Months,  to  have 
brought  Ruine.  not  only  upon  themfelves,  but  upon 

as  by  the  Treaty  between  Maflaflbit  by    the    early    Writers.     Winflow 

and  the  Englifh  (hows.     But  it  was  fays  it  was  in  the   End  of  June  or 

a  angular  Cafe,  and  the  great  Ne-  Beginning  of  July,  1622. 
ceffity  of  the  Englifh  muft  be  their 

Juftification.  S4  This  Indian  Name  finally  fet 
tled  down  into    WeJfaguJJ'et.     It  is 

83  The  precife  Time  of  the  Arri-  capable  of  great  Variation,  as  will 

val  of  Wefton's  Colony  is  not  ftated  readily  be  perceived. 


their  Friends  alfo :  For  Complaints  were  quickly 
brought  to  Plymouth,  that  the  Rnglijh  at  Weffeguf- 
quafet  did  abufe  the  Indians  by  ftealing  their  Corn 
from  them,  yea  and  one  of  them  was  fo  brutifh  as 
to  turn  Indian?'* 

Others  of  them  were  of  fuch  fervile  and  ilavim 
Difpofitions,  as  that  they  became  Servants  to  the 
Indians,  who  would  hire  them  to  work  with  them 
in  making  Canoos,  which  Canoos  were  intended 
for  the  Surprizal  of  the  Englifti  Ship,  in  the  Day 
when  they  would  execute  their  defigned  MafTacre. 
Some  of  the  Theeves  were  ftockt  and  whipt,  yea, 
one  of  them  was  at  laft  put  to  Death  to  fatifie  the 
Indians,  but  it  was  then  too  late.86 

By  the  End  of  February,  they  had  fpent  all  their 
Bread  and  Corn,  not  leaving  any  for  Seed,  nor 
would  the  Indians  be  induced  to  lend  or  fel  them 
any,  upon  any  Terms,  hoping  they  would  be  ftarved 
to  Death. 

Wherefore,  they  purpofed  to  take  away  the  In 
dians  Store  from  them  by  Violence,  and  therefore 
made  Preparations  accordingly.  Only  fome  of  the 
Company  (at  leaftwife  one  of  them  who  is  yet  alive) 

85  "  we  heard  many  Complaints  "  might  with  Diligence  haue  gotten 

both  by  the  Indians    and    fome  "  enough  to  haue  ferued  them  three 

others    of   belt    Defert   amongft  "  or   four   Times."      Win/low   in 

Mafter   Wefton's    Colony,    how  Purcbafe,  iv,  1863.  This  was  about 

exceedingly  their  Company  abafed  the  End  of  February,  1 622-3. 
themfelves  by  vndireft   Meanes, 

to  get  Viftuals  from  the  Indians,  ^  This  Execution  furnifhed  But- 

who  dwell  not  far  from   them,  ler  with  the  Hint  out  of  which  he 

fetching  them  Wood  and  Water,  made  his  fcurrilous  Rhymes  in  Hu- 

&c.,  and  all  for  a  meales  Meate,  dibras,  too  well  known  to  be  here 

whereas  in  the  meane  Time  they  quoted. 


84 

being  more  honeftly  minded  then  others  were, 
advifed  'John  Saunders  their  Overfeer  to  write  to 
Plymouth  before  they  did  actually  attempt  anything, 
which  being  done,  they  received  Letters  from  the 
Governour  there,  fignifying.  great  Difapprobation 
of  their  intended  Proceedings;  whereupon  they 
defifted. 

Thefe  Motions  muft  needs  cauie  ill  Blood  be 
tween  the  Nations :  fo  that  the  Indians  grew  very 
infolent  in  their  Carriage,  and  there  were  fecret 
Confpiracyes  to  cut  of  the  Englijh.  And  inafmuch 
as  they  thought,  that  if  they  mould  deftroy  the 
Weftonians,  and  leave  the  Plymoutheam  (who  had 
not  wronged  them)  alive,  thefe  would  take  an 
Opportunity  to  be  revenged  for  thofe :  wherefore 
they  concluded  to  kill  all  before  them,  as  was  after 
wards  revealed  by  Maffafoit,  and  by  another  Sachim 
[13]  called  Waffapinawet}1  brother  to  Qbtakieft,  the 
then  Sachim  of  Maffachufets. 

The  Englijh  of  Plymouth  as  yet  being  ignorant 
of  the  bloody  Mifchief  which  the  treacherous 
Hearts  of  the  Indians  had  concluded  againft  them, 
attended  their  Occafions  as  formerly. 

Upon  a  Time  Capt.  Standi/h  going  with  fome 
Men  in  a  Shallop,  to  buy  Corn  of  the  Indians  at 
NoJJet,  one  of  them  ftole  certain  Trifles  out  of  the 
Shallop  ;  whereupon  the  Captain  repaired  to  the 
Sacbim,  and  told  him,  that  if  he  did  not  imme 
diately  reftore  thofe  Things,  he  would  revenge  it 

87  "  Who  had  formerly  fmarted     Winflow,  ibid.     His   Refidence  is 
"  for  partaking   with   Coubitant."     not  known. 


[  85  ] 

before  his  Departure,  and  fo  took  Leave  for  that 
Night. 

The  next  Morning  the  Sacbim  came  accompa 
nied  with  his  Train  of  Salvages,  faluting  the  Cap 
tain  in  fuch  a  Manner  as  was  hugely  ridiculous  to 
the  Englifh  ;  for  he  put  out  his  Tongue  that  one 
might  fee  the  Root  of  it,  and  fo  licked  the  Cap 
tain's  Hands,  al  his  Men  doing  the  like,  and  en 
deavouring  (according  to  the  rude  Information  they 
had  received  from  Squantum)  to  make  him  a  Leg, 
he  did  peform  his  Ceremony  after  fuch  an  odd 
Manner,  as  the  Englifh  were  hard  put  to  it  to  re 
frain  from  open  Laughter. 

Speftatum  adrtiiflirifum  teneatii  Amid? 

After  thefe  Complements  were  over,  he  reftored 
the  Things  that  were  loft  ;  withal  declaring,  that 
he  had  much  beaten  the  Indian  that  did  Commooten 
(i.  e.  fteal)  the  Trifles  mentioned. 

But  not  long  after  this,  the  Captain  was  in  no 
fmall  hazard  of  his  Life  in  another  Place  ;  for  going 
to  Manomet  (now  called  Sandwich]  and  being  en 
tertained  in  the  Houfe  of  Kunacum**  the  Sachim 
there,  the  Indians  defigned  tut  off  him  and  his  Men. 

There  was  with  him  at  this  Time  a  Cape-Indian 
called  Paomet,  who  pretended  Friendfhip  to  the 
Englijh,  but  was  fecretly  joined  in  the  bloody  Con 
federacy.  That  he  might  not  be  fufpedted  he  pro- 
fefTed  fpecial  Affection  towards  the  Captain,  and 

88  The  Author's  Authorities  all  from  them  we  fee  no  Reafon. 
fpell  the  Name  of  this  Chief  begin-  Winflow  writes  Canacum  (in  Pur- 
ning  with  a  C.  Why  he  departed  cbas,  iv,  1866.) 


[86] 

would,  as  a  Gift  beftow  fome  Corn  upon  him,  and 
help  him  to  carry  the  Corn  to  his  Boat,  and  would 
lodge  in  the  Wigwam  with  Capt.  Standifh,  to  mani- 
feft  what  Love  and  Honour  he  did  bear  towards 
him,  having  in  the  mean  Time  promifed  the  Indians 
to  kil  him  that  Night,  and  when  he  was  killed 
the  reft  were  to  difpatch  his  Men. 

Alfo  whilft  he  was  entertained  in  the  Sachims 
Houfe,  there  came  in  two  Majfachufet  Indians,  be 
ing  defperate  bloody  Villains.  The  Name  of  the 
Chief  of  them  was  Wittawamat,  who  took  a  Dag 
ger  from  about  his  Neck,  and  prefented  it  to  the 
Sacbim,  and  made  a  Speech  to  him  (which  the 
Captain  could  not  underftand)  boafting  of  his  own 
Valour,  [14]  and  how  he  had  been  the  Death  of 
Chriftians  both  French  and  Engli/h  and  what  pit- 
tifull  weak  Creatures  they  were,  that  when  they 
were  killing,  they  died  crying,  and  made  fower 
Faces,  more  like  Children  then  Men,  and  that 
whereas  they  were  determined  to  kil  the  Englifo 
(who  had  injured  them)  of  Mr.  We/tons  Plantation, 
the  beft  way  for  their  own  Security  was  to  kill 
them  of  Plymouth  too,  now  their  Captain  being  in 
their  Hands,  having  but  fix  Men  with  him,  two  or 
three  in  the  Wigwam,  and  no  more  in  the  Shallop, 
it  was  a  good  Opportunity  to  begin. 

The  murderous  Counfel  of  this  audacious  Bloud- 
fucker  was  highly  applauded;  and  the  Indians 
waited  when  Capt.  Standijh  woulcJ  fall  aileep,  that 
they  might  attempt  the  bloudy  Tragedy.  But 
God  fo  ordered  that  he  could  not  fleep  that  Night. 
Alfo  an  Indian  fecretly  ftole  fome  Beads  from  him; 


[  87  ] 

which  when  the  Captain  perceived,  he  immedi 
ately  called  his  fix  Men  together,  and  they  befet 
the  Sacbims  Houfe  profeffing  to  him  that  as  they 
would  not  doe  Wrong  to  him,  fo  neither  would 
they  receive  any,  and  therefore,  as  they  valued  their 
Lives,  they  mould  forthwith  reftore  the  ftolen 
Goods.  Hereupon  the  Sachim  beftirred  himfelf 
to  find  out  the  Thief;  and  having  done  fo,  he 
cometh  to  the  Captain  defiring  him  to  look  into 
his  Boat,  if  the  Beads  that  he  had  miffed  were  not 
there,  who  looking  found  them  lying  openly  on 
the  Cuddy,  the  Indians  having  flily  conveyed  them 
thither.  However,  this  did  fo  daunt  the  Courage 
of  the  treacherous  and  cowardly  Indians,  that  they 
attempted  not  their  defigned  Mifchief. 

All  this  while,  they  of  Plimouth  Colony  had  no 
certain  knowledge  of  the  Evil  that  was  intended 
againft  them  by  the  Heathen,  albeit  the  Confpiracy 
Was  very  ftrong,  for  the  Indians  at  NoJJet,  Paomet, 
Saconet,  Manomet,  Matachiejl,  Agaivam,  were  all 
in  this  Confederacy  to  cut  off  the  Englifh.  But 
God  who  hath  a  fpecial  Eye  of  Providence  over  his 
People,  did  at  that  Time  fo  order,  that  Maffafoit 
fell  fick ;  whereupon  the  Governour  that  then  was, 
defired  Mr.  Wmjloiv  and  another  Gentleman  to  give 
the  fick  Sachim  a  Vifit,  and  adminifter  fome  Phyfic 
to  him.  As  they  were  upon  their  Journey  toward 
Pocanoket,  the  Place  of  Ma/Jafoits  Refidence,  the 

*4J      */ 

Indians  by  the  'Way  told  that  he  was  dead  and 
buried ;  which  caufed  Hobbomock  (their  Guide 
through  the  Woods)  to  break  forth  into  bitter 
Lamentations,  crying  out  "  Neen  womafu  Sagimusl 


[  88  ] 

"  O  my  loving  Sachim,  O  my  loving  Sachim,  thou 
"  waft  no  Lyar,  not  cruel  like  other  Indians,  thy 
"  Paffion  was  foon  over,  thou  wouldft  hearken  to 
"  Reafon  from  the  meaneft  Subject,  thou  didft  love 
"  Englifhmen ;  among  Indians  I  mail  never  know 
"  the  like  to  thee." 

[15]  So  that  it  would  have  made  the  hardeft 
Heart  to  have  relented  to  hear  him.  •  Yet  they 
proceeded  in  their  Journey,  being  come  fo  far  as 
Metapoifett  they  underftood  that  Majfafoit  was  not 
quite  dead,  but  little  Hopes  of  his  Life. 

When  they  came  to  Pokanoket,  they  found  the 
Indians  Pol/yawing  about  Majfafoit ,  making  fuch  a 
hellifh  Noife  as  was  enough  to  make  a  wel  Man 
fick,  and  was  therefore  very  unlikely  to  make  him 
that  was  lick  wel.89 

Hobbomock  told  him  that  the  Governour  of  Ply 
mouth  had  fent  fome  Friends  to  vifit  him  in  his 
Sicknefs,  and  that  they  had  brought  fome  Majkitt, 
i.  e.  Phyjick,  for  him.  Upon  the  receipt  of  which, 
he  fuddenly  and  ftrangely  revived,  and  before  their 
Departure  gave  them  great  Thanks  for  their  Love, 
faying,  that  now  he  faw  that  the  Englifh  at  Ply 
mouth  were  his  real  Friends. 

As  they  were  ready  to  return  home,  he  privately 
told  Hobbomock  of  the  Plot  amorig  the  Majfacbufets 

80  As    Mr.  Winflow's    Account  '  for  vs.     There  were  they  in  the 

fuffers  fomewhat  in  the  Text,  I  give  '  middeft  of  their  Charmes  for  him, 

it  here  in  his  own  Words  :  "  When  '  making  fuch  a  hellifh  Noife,  as  it 

"  we  came  thither,  we  found  the  '  diftempered   vs   that  were  well, 

"  Houfe To  full  of  Men,  as  we  could  '  and  therefore  vnlike  to  eafe  him 

"  fcarcc  get  in,    though  they  ufed  '  that  was  ficke."  Purchafe,  1861. 

*'*  their  beft  Dilligence  to  make  Way  Lefs  particular  in  Bradford,  131. 


[89  ] 

and  other  Indians  to  deftroy  the  Englijh?°  and  how 
they  had  follicited  him  to  join  with  them,  but  he 
faid  that  neither  he,  nor  any  of  his  Men  were  in 
that  Combination.  He  advifed  that  the  Governour 
of  Plymouth  would,  without  delay,  fend  and  take 
off  the  Principal  Aftors  in  this  wicked  Defigne, 
and  then  the  reft  would  be  afraid.  And  whereas 
the  Governour  had  fometimes  faid  they  would  not 
begin  with  the  Indians,  until  the  Indians  began  with 
them,  he  earneftly  counfelled  him  not  to  ftay  for 
that  left  it  mould  be  too  late.9' 

The  firft  Day  whilft  on  their  Journey  back  again, 
they  were  accompanyed  with  Coubitant  the  Sachim 
of  Metapoyfet  (before  mentioned)  who  was  a  politick 
and  jocofe  Indian,  and  ftil  fufpected  to  be  falfe  to 
the  Englijh.  He  afked  Mr.  Win/low,  how  they, 
being  but  two,  dared  to  truft  themfelves  amongft 
fo  many  Indians  ?  Anfwer  was  made  that  Love 
was  without  Fear,  and  they  wished  wel  to  the  In 
dians,  and  therefore  did  not  fear  Evil  from  them. 

90  "  At  our   coming   away,    he  "  warn  [War-sham],  and  the  Ifle  of 

"  called  Hobbamocke  to  him,  and  "  Capawack  .[Martha's  Vineyard]. 

1  priuately  (none  hearing  faue  two  Window  in  Purcbas,  1862. 
*  or  three    other   of  his   Pueefes, 

'  who  are  of  his  Counfell)  reuealed  91  This  favage  Advice  of  the  In- 

'  the  Plot  of  the  MafTacheufeucks  dians,  was  as  will  be  /een,  adopted, 

'  before  fpoken  of,  againft  Mafter  though  with  reluftance,  well  know- 

'  Wefton's  Colony,  and  fo  againft  ing  it  could  be  juftified  only  upon 

'  vs,  faying  that  the  People  of  Nau-  the    Gro.unds  of  Neceffity.     It  is 

1  fet    [Eaftham],     Paomet   [about  hard  to  fay  at  this  Day  that  the  De- 

'  Truro],  Succouet  [perhaps  Fal-  cifion  was  wrong,   in   View  of  all 

'mouth],  Mattachieft  [Barnftabk],  the  Circumftances ;  it  was   this  Af- 

'  Manomet  [Sandwich],  Agoway-  fair  that  much  grieved  Mr.  Robinfon. 

M 


[90] 

But  then,  faid  the  Indian,  what  is  the  Reafon,  that 
when  we  came  to  Patuxet  you  held  the  Mouthes 
of  your  Guns  againft  us;  he  was  told,  that  was  the 
Engli/h,  Manner  of  entertaining  their  Friends.  At 
which  the  Sachim  fhaked  his  Head,  withal  declar 
ing  that  he  did  not  like  fuch  Salutations.92  The 
next  Day  Hobbomock  acquainted  the  Englijh  with 
what  Ma/Jafoit  had  revealed  to  him. 

*t/    */ 

So  then  being  returned  to  Plymouth  it  was  March 
27.93  refolved,    to  hearken   to  Mafia foits   Advice: 

+j  «x/    *J 

many  other  Things  at  that  Juncture  appearing, 
which  confirmed  the  Truth  of  what  was  by  him 
difcovered.  [16]  And  confidering  that  there  was 
no  dealing  with  Indians  (as  other  Nations  do  with 
another)  above  board,  it  was  thought  moft  expedi 
ent  by  Policy,  to  catch  them  at  unawares,  as  they 
are  wont  to  do  by  others.94  Wherefore  Capt. 
Standijh  made  Choice  of  eight  Men  to  go  with 
him  to  Wefegufquafet,  pretending  to  Trade  with 


92  "  By  the  way,"  fays  Window, 
'  I  had  much  Conference  with  him, 
'  fo  likewife  at  his  Houfe,  he  being 
'  a  notable  Politician,  yet  full  of 
'  merry  lefts  and  Squibs,  and  neuer 
'  better  pleafed  then  when  the  like 
'  are  returned  againe  upon  him." 
Purcbas,  iv,  1862. 

03  March  23d,  1622-3.     "The 
"  three  and  twentieth  of  March  be- 
'  ing  now  come,  which  is  a  yearly 
'  Court  Day,  the  Governour  hauing 
'  a  double  Teftimony,  and  many 
Circumftances  agreeing  with  the 
Truth  thereof,  not  being  to  vnd'er- 


"  take  Warre  without  the  Confent 
"  of  the  Body  of  the  Company, 
"  made  knowne  the  fame  in  pub- 
"  lique  Court."  Winflow  in  Pur 
cbas,  ib.  i  863.  This  was  probably 
the  firft  Declaration  of  War  by  the 
white  People  in  New  England. 


94  "  Becaufe  (as  all  Men  know  that 
haue  had  to  doe  in  that  Kinde)  it 
is  impoflible  to  deale  with  them 
vpon  open  Defiance,  but  to  take 
them  in  fuch  Traps  as  they  lay  for 
others ;  therefore  he  [Capt.  Stand- 
ifh]  mould  pretend  Trade  as  at 
other  Times."  Ibid. 


[9'  ] 

them,  and  then  to  take  his  Opportunity  to  feyze 
upon  the  Ringleaders  amongft  the  Confpirators.95 

Being  arrived  at  the  Maflachufets  Bay,  two  prin 
cipal  Confpirators  behaved  themfelves  very  info- 
lently.  One  of  them  called  Pickfuot,  who  was  a 
Panees  or  Counfellour,  jeered  at  Capt.  Standifh  be- 
caufe  he  was  a  Man  of  little  Stature,  and  yet  a 
Captain.  Another,  called  Wittawamat  (before 
mentioned)  caft  out  bloody  Expreffions,  mewing  a 
fharp  Knife,  which  had  a  Womans  Face  pictured 
on  the  Handle,  faying  that  he  had  killed  French 
men,  and  Englifh  too  with  that  Knife,  and  that  he 
had  another  Knife  which  had  a  Mans  Face  pictured 
on  it,  and  his  two  Knives  mould  marry  mortly,  and 
that  by  and  by  it  jhould  eat  though  not  f peak.  Like- 
wife  another  Indian,  and  Wittawamats  Brother, 


95  The  Author  here  makes  an 
important  Omiffion.  Capt.  Stand- 
ifb  was  inftrufted  to  repair  firft  to 
Wefton's  Men  at  WHTaguflet,  "  ac- 
'  quaint  them  with  the  Plot,  and 
'  the  End  of  his  owne  coming,  that 
'  comparing  it  with  their  [the  In- 
'  dians]  Carriages  towards  them 
'  [of  WeflagufettJ  he  might  better 
'  iudge  of  the  Certainty  of  it,  and 
'  more  fitly  take  Opportunity  to 
'  reuenge  the  fame :  but  mould 
'  forbare,  if  it  were  poffible  till  fuch 
'  Time  as  he  could  make  fure  of 
'  Wituwamat,  that  bloudy  and  bold 
'  Villain,  whofe  Head  he  had  Or- 
'  der  to  bring  with  him,  that  hee 
'  might  be  a  Warning  and  Terrour 
'  to  all  of  that  Difpofition."  Ibid, 
Standifh  was  allowed  to  take  as  many 
Men  as  he  defired.  He  "made 


"  Choice  of  eight,  and  would  not 
"  take  more  becaufe  he  would  pre- 
"  uent  lealoufi."  That  is,  he  took 
a  fmall  Number,  that  his  Defign 
might  not  be  fufpe&ed,  "  knowing 
"  their  guilty  Confciences  would 
"  foone  be  prouoked  thereunto." 
Ibid. 

But  on  the  next  Day,  March  24th, 
before  Standim  began  his  March, 
"  came  one  [Phinehas  Pratt]  of 
"  Mafter  Wefton's  Company  by 
"  Land  vnto  vs,  with  his  Packe  at  his 
"  Backe,  who  made  a  pittifull  Nar- 
"  ration  of  their  lamentable  and 
"  weake  Eftate,  and  of  the  Indians 
"  Carriages,  whofe  Boldnefle  in- 
"  creafed  abundantly,  infomuch  as 
"  the  Viftuals  they  got,  they  would 
"  take  it  out  of  their  Pots  and  eat 
"  before  their  Faces ;  yea,  if  in  any- 


[92     ] 

who  in  Bloodinefs  was  like  unto  him,  being  pre- 
fent ;  Capt.  Standi/h  lhatched  Pickuots  Knife  from 
about  his  Neck,  and  killed  him  with  his  own  Knife. 
At  the  fame  Time  his  Men  fell  upon  Wittaisoamat 
and  the  other  Indian,  and  flew  them,  and  took 
Wittawamats  Brother,  and  hanged  him. 

After  this  they  fet  upon  another  Company  of 
Indians  and  killed  two  or  three  of  them,  feeking 
ftil  after  more*  At  length  they  efpied  a  File  of 
Indians  making  towards  them,  but  as  the  Engli/h 
came  to  the  Encounter,  they  (i.  e.  the  Indians]  ran 
behind  the  Trees,  and  Shot  at  Capt.  Standifh,  until 
one,  as  he  was  mooting,  had  his  Arm  broke  by  a 
bullet  from  one  of  Capt.  Standijh  his  Soldiers ; 
whereupon  he  and  the  reft  fled  into  a  Swamp. 


thing  they  gaine-faid  them,  they 
were  ready  to  hold  a  Knife  at  their 
Breafts ;  but  to  giue  them  Con 
tent  they  had  hanged  one  of  them 
that  ftole  their  Corne>  and  yet 
they  regarded  it  not :  that  another 
of  their  Company  was  turned 
Sauage,  that  their  People  had  moft 
forfaken  the  Towne,  and  made 
their  Rendeuous  where  they  got 
their  Victuals,  becaufe  they  would 
not  take  Paines  to  bring  it  home  : 
that  they  had  fold  their  Clothes 
for  Corne,  and  were  ready  to 
ftarue  both  with  Cold  and  Hun 
ger  alfo,  becaufe  they  could  not 
indure  to  get  Vidluals  by  Reafon 
of  their  Nakednefle ;  and  that 
they  were  defperfed  into  three 
Companies,  fcarce  having  any 
Powder  and  Shot  left.  As  this 
Relation  was  grieuous  to  vs,  fo  it 


"  gaue  vs  good  Encouragement  to 
"  proceede  in  our  Intendments." 
Ibid. 

On  Pratt's  leaving  Weflaguflet  an 
Indian  was  fent  after  him  to  kill  him 
on    the  Way;  but    Pratt    loft   his 
Path,  and  thus    the  Indian  miffed 
him     This  intended  Murderer  went 
to  Plymouth,   "  pretending  Friend- 
fhip  and  in  Loue  to  fee  vs,  but  as 
formerly  others,  fo  his  End  was 
to  fee  whether  wee  continued  ftill 
in  Health    and  Strength,    or  fell 
into  Weakenefle  like  their  Neigh 
bours,    but  here  the  Gouernour 
ftaid  him,  and  fending  for  him  to 
the  Fort,  there  gave  the  Guard 
charge  of  him ;  fo  he  was  locked 
in  a  Chaine  to  a  Staple  in   the 
Court  of  Guard,  and  there  kept 
till  Capt.  Standifh  mould  return." 
Ibid,  1864. 


[  93  ] 

The  Captain  dared  the  Sachim  to  come  out  and 
fight  like  a  Man,  but  in  vain. 

At  the  Time  of  thefe  Skirmimes,  there  was  an 
'Indian  Youth,  who  notwithftanding  the  Slaughter 
made  amongft  his  Countreymen,  came  running  to 
the  Englijh,  defiring  that  he  might  be  with  them. 
He  confefled  that  the  Indians  had  reiblved  to  cut 
off  Mr.  Wejlons  Men,  and  that  they  only  flayed  for 
the  finishing  of  two  Canoos  more  (which  if  Capt. 
Standijh  had  not  fo  unexpectedly  come  upon  them 
had  been  finimed)  that  were  intended  for  the  Sur- 
prifal  of  the  Englijh  Ship  in  the  Harbour. 

Alfo  an  Indian  Spye,96  who  was  taken  Prifoner 
and  detained  at  Pilmouth,  when  he  faw  Capt. 
Standijh  return  with  Wittawamats  Head,  looked  on 
it  with  a  guilty  gaftred  Countenance,  and  then 
confefled  the  Plot  that  was  in  Hand  to  deftroy  the 
Englifh,  and  that  Pickfuot  and  [17]  Wittawamat, 
together  with  three  Powaws,  were  the  principal 
Confpirators.w  He  was  releafed  and  fent  to  Okta- 
kieft,  the  Sachim  of  the  MaJJacbufets,  to  fignify 
what  he  muft  look  for,  in  cafe  he  mould  continue 
in  Hoftility  againft  the  Englifh.  The  Sachim  be 
ing  amazed  and  terrified  with  the  Eng/i/h  Succefles, 
humbly  begged  for  Peace,  pretending  that  he  could 


96  The  Prifoner  mentioned  in  the 
laft  Note. 

97  "  Now    was  the  Captain  re- 
"  turned  and  receiued  with  loy,  the 
"  Head  being  brought  to  the  Fort 
"  and  there  fet  vp,  the  Gouernours 


'  went  vp  the  fame  further  to  exa- 
'  mine  the  Prifoner,  who  looked  pit- 
'  tioufly  on  the  Head  ;  being  afked 
'  whether  he  knew  it,  he  anfwered 
'  yea.  Then  he  confefled  the  Plot, 
'  and  all  the  People  prouoked  Obta- 
1  kieft  their  Sachim  thereunto." 


"  and  Captaines  with  diuers  others     Winflow  in  Purtbafe,  iv,  1865. 


[94  ] 

not  keep  his  Men  in  Order,  and  that  it  was  againft 
his  Will  that  Evil  had  been  done  to,  or  defigned 
again  ft  the  Englijh. 

Furthermore,  the  Effect  of  thefe  Things  was, 
that  the  reft  of  thefe  Indians  were  ftriken  with  fuch 
Terror  and  Dread  of  the  Englifh,  that  they  left 
their  Houfes  and  betook  themfelves  to  live  in  un- 
healthful  Swamps,  whereby  they  became  fubject  to 
miferable  Difeafes  that  proved  mortal  to  Multi 
tudes  of  them.  Particularly  Kunacum,  Sachim  of 
Manomet ;  Afpinet,  Sachim  of  No/Jet ;  Janowgh, 
Sachim  of  Mattachieft :  Thefe  all  fell  lick  and  died. 

This  laft  Sachim  faid  that  The  God  of  the  Eng- 
lifh  was  offended  at  the  Indians,  and  would  deftroy 
them  in  -his  Anger. 

And  thefe  fignal  Appearances  of  God  for  his 
Church  in  Plymouth,  muft  needs  be  a  great  Con 
viction  to  the  Heathen.  Howbeit  thefe  Motions 
ended  in  the  Subverfion  and  Ruine  of  Mr.  Weftons 
Plantation ;  God  who  determines  the  Bounds  of 
Men's  Habitations,  having  appointed  that  another 
People  out  of  England  mould  come  afterwards  and 
poflefs  that  Place,  as  at  this  Day. 

And  thus  far  is  Mr.  Winjlows  Relation  of  thefe 
firjl  Troubles  by  Indians  in  thefe  Parts,  which  I  take 
to  be  undoubted  Verity :  For  he  was  one  that  had 
particular  Knowledge  of  thofe  Things,  and  a  Man 
of  Truth  and  Confcience,  that  would  not  for  the 
World  willingly  falfify  in  any  Particular. 

There  is  an  old  Planter^  yet  living  in  this  Coun- 

08  This  old  Planter  was  Phinehas     Pratt,  before  mentioned. 


[95  ] 

trey,  being  one  of  thofe  that  were  employed  by 
Mr.  We/Ion,  who  alfo  hath  given  fome  Account  of 
thefe  Matters.99 

He  doth  relate  and  affirm,  that  at  his  firft  com 
ing  into  this  Countrey  the  Englifh  were  in  a  very 
diftrefled  Condition  by  reafon  of  Famine  and  Sick- 
nefs  which  was  amongft  them,  whereof  many  were 
already  dead ;  and  that  they  buried  them  in  the 
Night  that  the  Indians  might  not  perceive  how 
low  they  were  brought. 

This  Relator  doth  moreover  declare,  that  an  In 
dian  P antes,  who  fecretly  purpofed  bloody  Deftruc- 
tion  againft  the  Englifb  and  made  it  his  Defign  to 
learn  the  Englijh  Tongue  to  the  End  he  might 
more  readily  accomplim  his  hellifh  Devices  ;IO°  told 
him  that  there  had  been  a  French  VefTel  caft  away 
upon  thefe  Coafts,  only  they  faved  their  Lives  and 
their  Goods,  and  that  the  Indians  took  their  Goods 
from  them,  and  made  the  French  men  their  Servants, 
and  that  they  wept  very  much,  when  [18]  the  In 
dians  parted  them  from  one  another,  that  they 
made  them  eat  fuch  Meat  as  they  gave  their  Dogs. 
Only  one  of  them  having  a  good  Matter,  he  pro 
vided  a  Wife  for  him,  by  whom  he  had  a  Son,  and 

99  The  exceedingly  crude  Narra-  of  the  Editor.     Thefe  Mr.  Richard 

tive  of  Pratt  isftillin  Exiftence,  but  Frothingham  edited  and  they  were 

in  a  very  imperfeft  and  damaged  printed  in  the  4th  Volume  of  the 

State.     It  is  in  the  Hands  of  David  4th  Series  of  Cols.  Mafs.  Hiftorical 

Pulfifer,  Efq.,  the  well  known  Editor  Society. 
of  the  Colonial  Records  of  Mafla- 

chufetts   and    Plymouth — probably          10°  Pratt  gives  his  Name  as  Pex- 

the   fame    ufed    by   Mr.   Mather,  foutb,  and  Winflow  Peckfuot.  The 

There   is  another  Paper  extant  by  fame  killed  by  Stand ifh  as  juft  re- 

Pratt,  called  a  Petition,  in  Pofleffion  lated. 


[96] 

lived  longer  then  the  reft  of  the  French  men  did ; 
and  that  one  of  them  was  wont  to  read  much  in  a 
Book  (fome  fay  it  was  the  New  Teftament)  and 
that  the  Indians  enquiring  of  him  what  his  Book 
faid,  he  told  them  it  did  intimate,  that  there  was  a 
People  like  French  men  that  would  come  into  the 
Countrey  and  drive  out  the  Indians,  and  that  they 
were  now  afraid  that  the  Engli/h  were  the  People  of 
whofe  coming  the  French  man  had  foretold  them.101 
And  that  another  Ship  from  France  came  into  the 
Majfachufets  Bay  with  Goods  to  Truck,  and  that 
Indian  Panics  propounded  to  the  Sachim,  that  if 
he  would  hearken  to  him,  they  would  obtain  all 
the  French  mens  Goods  for  nothing ;  namely,  by 
coming  a  Multitude  of  them  aboard  the  Veflel, 
with  great  Store  of  Beaver,  making  as  if  they  would 
Truck,  and  that  they  mould  come  without  Bows 
and  Arrows,  only  (hould  have  Knives  hid  in  the 
Flappets  which  the  Indians  wear  about  their  Loins  ; 
and  when  he  {hould  give  the  Watchword,  they 

101  The  Following  is  Pratt's  Ac-  "  gave  them  fuch  Meat  as  our  Dogs 

count  of  Pekfuot's  Narrative  :  "He  •"  eate.     One  of  them  had  a  Booke 

"  imployed  himfelf  to  learn  to  fpeak  "  he  would    often    read    in.     We 

"  Englim,  obferving  all  Things  for  "  afked  him  what  his  Booke  faid. 

*'  his  bloody  Ends.     He  told  me  he  *'  He  anfwered  it  faith  there  will  a 

"  loued  Englifhmen  very  well,  but  "  People   like    French-men    come 

**  he  loued  me  beft  of  all.     You  fay  "  into  this  Cuntry  and  drive  you  all 

*'  French  men  doe  not  loue  you,  "  a  way,  and  now  we  thincke  you 

**  but  I  will  tell  you  what  wee  haue  "  are  thay.     We  took  away  their 

"  done  to  them.     There  was  a  Ship  "  Clothes.     They    liued    but  little 

"  broken  by  a  Storm.     They  faued  "  while.    One  of  them  liued  longer 

"  moft  of  their  Goods  and  hid  it  in  "  than  the  reft,  for  he  had  a  good 

rt  the  Ground.     We  maed  them  tell  "  Mafter   and   gave   him  a  Wiff. 

"  vs  wheat  h  was.     Then  we  made  "  He  is  now  dead  but  hath  a  Sonn 

"  them  oar  Sarvants.     Thay  weept  "  aliue." 
"  much.    When  we  parted  them  we 


[97  ] 

fhould  run  their  Knives  into  the  French  mens  Bellyes, 
which  was  accordingly  executed  by  the  Indians, 
and  all  the  French  men  killed,  only  Monfier  Finch 
the  Mafter  of  the  Veflel  being  wounded,  ran  down 
into  the  Hold,  whereupon  they  promifed  him  that 
if  he  would  come  up,  they  would  not  kill  him ; 
notwithftanding  which,  they  brake  their  Word  and 
murdered  him  alfo  ;  and  at  laft  fet  the  Ship  on 
Fire.loa 

Some  enquiring  of  him  how  long  it  was  fince 
the  Indians  firft  faw  a  Ship,  he  replied  that  he  could 
not  tel,  but  fome  old  Indians  reported  that  the  firft 
Ship  feemed  to  them  to  be  a  floating  Ifland,  wrap 
ped  together  with  the  Roots  of  Trees,  and  broken 
off  from  the  Land,  which  with  their  Canoos  they 
went  to  fee,  but  when  they  found  Men  there  and 
heard  Gunns,  they  hafted  to  the  Shore  again,  not 
a  little  amazed.  (Some  write  that  they  mot  Ar 
rows  at  the  firft  Ship  they  faw  thinking  to  kill  it.) 

This  Relator  doth  alfo  affirm,  that  after  Jealouf- 
ies  began  between  the  Englifh  of  Mr.  Wejlons 

102  Peckfuot's  Account  as  detailed  "  thruft  your  Knives  in  the  French 

by  him  to  Pratt  is  thus :  "  An  other  "  mens  Belly s.  Thus  we  killed  them 

"  Ship  came  into  the  Bay  with  much  "  all.  But  Mounfear  Finch,  Mafter 

"  Goods  to  Trucke.     Then  I  faid  "  of  thayr  Ship,   being  wounded, 

"  to  the  Sacham,  I  will  tell  you  how  "  leped    into  the   Hold.     Wo  bid 

"  you  mall  haue  all    for    nothing.  "  him  come  vp,  but  he  would  not. 

'  Bring  all  our  Canows  and  all  our  "  Then  we  cut  their  Cable  and  the 

'  Beauer  and  a  great  many  Men,  "  Ship  went  Amore  and  lay  vpon 

'  but   no  Bow  nor  Arrow,  Clubs,  "  her  Sid  and  flept  there.     Finch 

'  nor  Hatchits,  but  Knives  vnder  "  came   vp    and    we    killed    him. 

'  the  Scins  [Skins]  about  your  Lines  "  Then  our  Sachem  devided  thayr 

'  [Loins] .  Throw  vp  much  Beauer  "  Goods  and  fiered  theyr  Ship  and 

'  vpon    thayr   Deck.     Sell  it  very  "  it  maed  a  very  great  fier." 

'  cheep,  and  when  I  giue  the  Word, 

N 


[98  ] 

Plantation  and  the  Indians,  they  built  divers  of  their 
Wigwams  at  the  End  of  a  great  Swamp,  near  to 
the  Englijh,  that  they  might  the  more  fuddenly  and 
effectually  doe  what  was  fecretly  contrived  in  their 
Hearts :  and  an  Indian  Squaw  faid  to  them,  that 
ere  long  Aberkieji  would  bring  many  Indians  that 
would  kill  all  the  Englim  there  and  at  Patuxet. 
After  which  the  Sachim  with  a  Company  of  his 
Men  came  armed  towards  them,  and  bringing 
them  within  the  Pale  of  the  Englijh  Plantation,  he 
made  a  Speech  to  the  Englijh  with  [19]  great 
Gravity,  faying,  "  When  you  firft  came  into  this 
"  Land,  I  was  your  Friend.  We  gave  Gifts  to  one 
"  another.  I  let  you  have  Land  as  much  as  we 
"  agreed  for,  and  now  I  would  know  of  you,  if  I 
"  or  my  Men  have  done  you  any  Wrong."  Unto 
whom  the  Englijh  replied,  that  they  defired,  that 
he  would  firft  declare  whether  they  had  injured 
him.I03 


103  The  fame  as  told  by  Pratt : 
Som  tim  after  this  thayr  Sachem 
cam  fudingly  upon  us  with  a  great 
Number  of  armed  Men ;  but 
thayr  Spys  feeing  us  in  a  redinefs, 
he  and  fome  of  his  chif  Men 
terned  into  one  of  thayr  Howfes 
a  Quarter  of  an  Our.  Then  we 
met  them  without  the  Pale  of  our 
Plantation  and  brought  them  in. 
Then  faid  I  to  a  young  Man  that 
could  beft  fpeke  thayr  Langwig, 
Afke  Pexworth  whi  they  come 
thus  armed  ?  He  anfwered,  our 
Sacham  is  angry  with  you.  I  faid, 
Tell  him  if  he  be  angry  with  us, 
wee  be  angry  with  him.  Then 


'  '  faid  thayr  Sachem,  Englimmen, 
when  you  com  into  the  Country, 
we  gaue  you  Gifts  and  you  gaue 
vs  Gifts,  we  bought  and  fold  with 
you  and  we  weare  Friends ;  and 
now  tell  me  if  I  or  any  of  my 
Men  haue  don  you  Rong.  We 
anfwered,  Firft  tell  us  if  we  haue 
don  you  any  Rong.  He  anfwer 
ed,  Some  of  you  Steele  our  Corne 
and  I  have  fent  you  Word 
Times  without  Number  and  yet 
our  Corne  is  ftole.  I  come  to 
fee  what  you  will  doe.  We  an 
fwered,  It  is  one  Man  wich  hath 
don  it.  Your  Men  have  feen  vs 
whip  him  divers  Times,  befides 


[  99  ] 

The  Sachem  roundly  rejoined,  that  either  fome 
or  all  of  them  had  been  abufive  to  him  ;  for  they 
had  ftolen  away  his  Corn,  and  though  he  had  given 
them  Notice  of  it  Times  without  Number,  yet 
there  was  no  Satisfaction  nor  Reformation  attained. 

Hereupon  the  Englifh  took  the  principal  Thief 
and  bound  him  and  delivered  him  to  the  Sachim, 
withall  declaring,  that  he  might  do  with  him  what 
he  pleafed.  Nay  (faid  he)  Sachim  do  Juftice 
themfelves  upon  their  own  Men,  and  let  their 
Neighbours  do  Juftice  upon  theirs ;  otherwife  we 
conclude  that  they  are  all  agreed,  and  then  fight. 

Now  the  Indians,  fome  of  them,  began  to  trem- 
ble;  and  beholding  the  Guns  which  were  mounted 
on  the  Englijh  Fort,  they  faid  one  to  another  (in 
their  Language)  that  little  Guns  would  (hoot 
through  Houfes,  and  great  Guns  would  break  down 
Trees,  and  make  them  fall  and  kill  Indians  round 
about.  So  did  they  depart  at  that  Time  diffatisfied 
and  enraged.104 


other  Manor  of  Punifhments,  and 
now,  here  he  is,  bound.  We 
give  him  vnto  you  to  doe  with  him 
what  you  pleafe.  He  anfwered, 
That  is  not  juft  Dealeing.  If  my 
Men  wrong  my  nabur  Sacham, 
or  his  Men,  he  fends  me  Word, 
and  I  beat  or  kill  my  Men  ac 
cording  to  the  Ofence.  All  Sa- 
chams  do  Juftis  by  thayr  own  Men. 
If  not  we  fay  they  ar  all  agreed, 
and  then  we  fite  ;  and  now,  I  fay, 
you  all  fteele  my  Corne." 

104Pratt's  Account:     "At  this 


Time  fom  of  them  feeing  fom  of 
our  Men  upon  our  Forte,  begun 
to  ftart,  faying,  Machit  Pefconk, 
that  is  nawty  Guns.  Then  look 
ing  round  about  them,  went  away 
in  a  great  Rage.  At  this  Time 
we  ftrenthened  our  Wach  untell 
we  had  no  Food  left.  In  thes 
Times  the  Salvages  oftentime  did 
crep  upon  the  Snow,  ftarting 
behind  Bournes  and  Trees  to  fee 
whether  we  kepe  Wach  or  not. 
[Many]  Times  I  have  rounded 
[gone  the  Rounds]  our  Planta 
tion,  untell  I  had  no  longer 


The  Englijh  now  perceiving  that  the  Indians 
were  fully  purpofed  to  be  revenged  on  them,  they 
refolved  to  fight  it  out  to  the  laft  Man. 

As  they  were  marching  out  of  the  Fort,  feven 
or  eight  Men  flood  ftill,  faying  this  is  the  fecond 
Time  that  the  Salvages  had  demanded  the  Life  of 
him  that  had  wronged  them,  and  therefore  they 
would  have  him  firft  put  to  Death,  and  if  that 
would  not  fatisfy,  then  to  fight  it  out  to  the  laft, 
wherefore  he  was  put  to  Death  in  the  Sight  of  the 
Heathen  ;  after  which  the  Englifh  marched  out 
towards  them,  but  they  difperfed  themfelves  into 
the  Woods.10* 

This  Relator  endeavored  to  give  Notice  to  them 
in  Plymouth,  how  that  the  Indians  had  contrived 
their  Ruin,  but  he  miffed  his  Way  between  Wey- 
mouth  and  Plymouth ;  and  it  was  wel  he 'did  fo ;  for 
by  that  Means  he  efcaped  the  favage  Hands  of 
thofe  Indians,  who  immediately  purfued  him,  with 
a  murderous  Intention  ere  he  could  reach  Ply 
mouth,  they  were  informed  by  Majfafoit  (as  hath 

'  [Strejnth.     Then  in  the  Night,     "  ender  being  bound,  we  lett  him 
'  goeing  into  our  Corte  of  Card,  I     "  loufe,   becaufe  we  had   no  Food 

'  to  giue  him,  charging  him  to 
'  gather  Ground-nitts,  Clams,  and 
'  Mufells,  as  other  Men  did,  and 
'  fteel  no  more.  One  or  two  Days 
'  after  this  the  Salvages  brot  him, 
'  leading  him  by  the  Armes,  fay- 
'  ing,  Heare  is  the  Corne.  Com 
'  fee  the  Plafe  where  he  ftole  it. 
'  Then  we  kep  him  bound  fom  few 


fee  one  Man  ded  before  me,  an- 
"  other  at  my  writ  Hand,  and  an- 
"  other  att  my  left,  for  Want  of 
"  Food.  O,  all  the  People  in  New 
"  England  that  mall  heare  of  thefe 
"  Times  of  our  week  Beginning, 
"  confider  what  was  the  Strenth 
"  of  the  Arm  of  Flefh  or  the  Witt 
"  of  Man." 

<  Days." 

io5  Pratt's  Account :  "  The  Of- 


been    declared)     concerning    what    was     plotted 
amongft  the  Indians.™6 

Finally  there  were  (as  this  Relator  teftifieth)  three 
feveral  Skirmifhes  with  the  Indians.     One  at  Wefe- 


106  The  Efcape  of  Phinehas  Pratt, 
although  before  mentioned,  is  one 
of  thofe  perilous  Adventures  calcu 
lated  to  excite  in  all  Readers  in  all 
Times  a  Defire  to  know  every  Par 
ticular  concerning  it.  Our  Author 
altogether  failed  to  give  it  in  a  Man 
ner  which  its  Intereft  deferves.  I 
therefore  give  it  in  Pratt's  own 
Words  :  The  Men  of  Weflaguflet 
having  difcovered  that  the  Defign  of 
the  furrounding  Indians  was  to  de- 
ftroy  all  the  Englifh,  beginning  with 
them  firft,  "  I  would  have  fent  a 
"  Man  to  Plimoth,  but  non  weare 
"  willing  to  goe.  Then  I  faid  if 
"  Plimoth  Men  know  not  of  this 
"  treacherous  Plot,  they  and  we  are 
all  ded  Men.  Therefore,  if  God 
willing,  tomorrow  I  will  goe. 
That  Night  a  yong  Man,  want 
ing  Witt,  towld  Pexworth  yearly 
in  the  Morning.  Pexworth  came 
to  me  and  faid  in  Einglifh,  Me 
heare  you  go  to  Patuxit.  You 
will  loofe  your  felf.  The  Bears 
and  the  Wolfs  will  eate  you.  But 
becaufe  I  love  you  I  will  fend  my 
Boy  Nahamit  with  you,  and  I 
will  give  you  Vicktualls  to  eat  by 
the  Way,  and  to  be  mery  with 
your  Friends  when  you  come 
there.  I  faid,  Who  towld  you 
foe  great  a  lye  that  I  may  kill  him  ? 
He  faid  it  is  noe  lye.  You  fhall 
not  know.  Then  he  went  whom 
to  his  Howfe.  Then  came  fiue 
Men,  armed.  We  faid,  Why 


come  you  thus  armed  ?  They 
faid,  We  are  Friends.  You  cary 
Guns  wheare  we  dwell,  and  we 
cary  Bowe  and  Arows  wheare 
you  dwell.  Thes  attended  me 
feven  or  eight  Days  and  Nights. 
Then  thay  fupofeing  it  was  a  lye, 
weare  carlis  of  thayr  Wach  near 
two  [hjours  on  the  Morning. 
Then  faid  I  to  our  Company, 
Now  is  the  Time  to  run  to  Pli 
moth,  Ts  ther  any  Compas  to  be 
found  ?  Thay  faid,  None  but 
them  that  belong  to  the  Ship.  I 
faid,  Thay  are  to  bigg.  I  have 
borne  no  Armes  of  Defence  this 
feven  or  eight  Days.  Now  if  I 
take  my  Armes  they  will  miftruft 
me.  Then  they  faid,  The  Salvages 
will  plhue  after  you  and  kill  you, 
and  we  mail  never  fee  you  agayne. 
Thus  with  other  Words  of  great 
Lamentation  we  parted.  Then 
I  took  a  How  and  went  to  the 
Long  Swamp  neare  by  thayr 
Howfes,  and  diged  on  the  Ege 
thereof,  as  if  I  had  bin  looking 
for  ground  Nutts.  But  feeing  no 
Man,  I  went  in  and  run  through  it. 
Then  looking  round  about  me,  I 
run  fouthward  tell  three  of  the 
Clock ;  but  the  Snow  being  in 
many  Places,  I  was  the  more  dif- 
treffed,  becaufe  of  my  Foot  fteps. 
The  Sonn  being  beclouded,  I 
wandered  not  knowing  my  Way  ; 
but  att  the  goeing  down  of  the 
Sonn,  it  apeared  red.  Then 


I02 


gufquafet,  before  mentioned;  another  at  a  Place 
where  the  Town  of  Dorcbefler  is  fince  planted  ;  and 
laftly  at  the  Bay  of  Agawam  or  Ipfwicb  ;  in  all 
which  Engagements  the  Indians  [20]  were  notably 
beaten,  and  the  Englifh  received  no  confiderable 


'  hearing  a  great  Howling  of  Wolfs, 
1  I  came    to  a  River;  the  Water 
'  being  depe  and  cold,  and  many 
1  Rocks,    I    pafled    through    with 
much  adoe.  Then  was  I  in  great 
Diftrefs.  Faint  for  want  of  Food, 
:  weary  with    running,    fearing  to 
;  make  a  Fier  becaufe  of  them  that 
'  plhued  me.     Then  I  came  to  a 
depe  Dell  or  Hole,    ther  being 
;  much  wood  falen  into  it.     Then 
I  faid    in    my  thoughts,  This  is 
God's  Providence,  that  heare  I 
:  may  make  a  Fier.     Then  haveing 
maed  a  Fier,  the  Stars  began  to 
a  pear,  and  I  faw  Urfa   Magor 
and  the  [north]  Pole.     The  Day 
I  began  to  trafell  .  .  .  but  being 
unable,  I  went  back  to  the  Fier. 
The  Day  fallowing  I  fet  out  again, 
the]  Sonn  fhined,  and  about  three 
of  the  Clock  I  came  to  that  Part 
of  Plimoth  Bay,    wher  ther  is  a 
Town   of  later   Time    [called] 
Duxbery.     Then  paffing  by  the 
Water  on  my  left  Hand,  cam  to 
a  Brook,  and    ther  was  a  Path. 
Having  but  a  fhort  Time  to  con- 
fider,   [went  on]   fearing  to  goe 
beyond    the    Plantation,    I    kept 
running  in  the  Path.     Then  pair 
ing  through  James  Ryuer,  I  faid 
in  my  Thoughts,  Now  am  I  as  a 
Deare  chafed  [by]  the  Wolfs.  If 
I  perifh,  what  will  be   the  Con- 
dischQjn]  of  diftrefed  Englifhmen! 


"  then  finding  a  Peec  of  a  [  ]  I 
"  took  it  up  and  caried  it  in  my 
"  Hand.  Then  finding  a  [Peec] 
"  of  a  Jurkin  I  caried  them  under 
"  my  Arme.  Then  faid  I  in  my 
"  [Thoughts]  God  hath  giuen  me 
"  thefe  two  Tokens  for  my  Com- 
"  fort ;  that  now  he  will  giue  me 
"  my  Live  for  a  Pray.  Then  run- 
"  ning  down  a  Hill  I  [faw]  an 
"  Englifhman  coming  in  the  Path 
"  before  me.  Then  I  fat  down  on 
"  a  Tree,  and  riling  up  to  Salute 
"  him,  faid,  Mr.  Hamdin,  I  am 
"  glad  to  fee  you  aliue.  He  faid, 
"  I  am  glad  and  full  of  Wonder  to 
"  fee  you  aliue.  Let  us  fitt  downe. 
"  I  fee  you  are  weary.  I  faid,  Let 
"  [me]  eate  fom  parched  Corne. 
"  Then  he  faid,  I  know  the  Caufe 
"  [of  your]  coming.  Maflafoit  hath 
"  fent  Word  to  the  Gouernor  to  let 
"  him  [know]  that  Aberdikees 
"  [Aberkieft]  and  his  Confederates 
"  haue  contrived  a  Plot  hoping  to 
"  [cut  off]  all  Englifh  People  in 
"  one  Day."  [Owing  to  Mutila 
tions  nothing  can  be  made  of  a  few 
Lines  which  follow  J\ 

The  News  which  Pratt  brought 
to  Plymouth  fully  confirmed  the 
People  there,  that  what  Maflafoit 
had  communicated  was  true,  and 
hence  the  immediate  Adion  of 
Standifh  already  related. 


I03 

Damage ;  fo  that  the  Sachims  entreated  for  Peace ; 
nor  were  the  Englifh  (provided  it  might  be  upon 
Terms  fafe  and  honorable)  averfe  thereunto,  Pacem 
te  pofeimus  omnes. 

Thefe  dark  Clouds  being  thus  comfortably  dif- 
pelled  and  blown  over,  the  firft  Planters  in  this 
Country  received  no  confiderable  Disturbance  from 
the  Indians  a  long  Time.  It  is  true,  that  foon 
upon  thefe  Motions  (viz.  in  Auguft,  Anno  1623),  a 
Gentleman  arrived  here  out  of  England  (namely, 
Capt.  Robert  Gorges]  being  attended  with  many 
Servants,  as  purpofing  the  Settlement  of  an  Englijh 
Plantation  in  this  Bay  of  Majj'achufets,  and  although 
that  Plantation  was  quickly  deferted  and  duTolved, 
other  Things,  and  not  any  Anoyance  from  the  Na 
tives  here  caufed  thofe  Defigns  to  prove  abortive.*07 

The  like  is  to  be  affirmed  concerning  Mr.  Wol- 
lajions  Plantation  :  For  whereas  he  with  feveral 
others,  being  Perfons  of  Quality,  did  (in  the  Year 
1625)  with  a  Multitude  of  Servants  come  into  this 
Majfachufetts  Bay,  as  intending  to  fettle  a  Planta 
tion  therein,  they  met  with  fuch  crofs  Providences 
as  did  difcourage  them,  and  at  laft  diffipate  them  ; 
yet  nothing  from  the  Indians.10* 

107  Pratt  thus  fpeaks  of  Gorges'  "  Thus  was  Famine  thayr  final  over- 
Colony  :    "  Thus  [our]  Plantation  "  throw.     Moft  of  them  that  liued 
'  being  deferted,  Capt.  Robert  Gore  "  returned  for  England." 
'  [Gorges]  cam  [into]  the  Country 

'  with  fix  Gentlemen  atending  him,          10f  Of  the  next  Colony  Pratt  thus 

'  and  diuers  Men  to  doe  his  Labor,  remarks :     "  The  Oforfeers  of  the 

'  and  other  Men  with   thayer  Fa-  "  third  Plantation   in  the  Bay  was 

'  milys.     They  took  Pofleffion  of  "  Capt.  Woolifton  and  Mr.  Rofdell. 

'  our  Plantation,    but   thayr  Ship  "  Thes   feeing^the   Ruing   of  the 

'  fuply  from  Eingland  came  to  late.  "  former  Plantation,  faid,   We  will 


I  have  been  informed,  that  this  Gentleman,  con- 
lidering  the  unhappy  Cataftrophe's  attending  Mr. 
Wefton  and  Mr.  Gorges,  their  Plantings  at  Wefeguf- 
quajet,  conceited  that  the  Indian  Powas  had  brought 
that  Place  under  fome  Fafcination,  and  that  Eng- 
lifhmen  would  never  thrive  upon  'Enchanted  Ground, 
and  therefore  they  would  pitch  down  their  Stakes  in 
a  Place  nearer  to  Bofton  ;  even  where  the  Town  of 
Erantree  has  fince  flourimed,  but  the  Difficultyes  of 
a  Wildernefs  were  too  hard  for  them,  that  Mr. 
Wollajton  removed  a  great  Part  of  his  Servants  to 
Virginia,  not  having  (fo  far  as  I  can  understand) 
received  any  Moleftation  from  the  Indians  here.10? 

In  Anno  1628.  Mr.  Endecot  (who  deferves  to 
be  honorably  mentioned,  as  having  been  a  Patriot  in 
New  England)  arrived  here  with  a  Patent110  for  the 
Government  of  the  MaJJachufets.111  He  and  others 

"  not  pich  our  Tents  heare,  leaft  remarks  (in  his  Braintree  Addrefs 

'  we  mould  doe  as  thay  have  done,  of  20  July,  1858)  rather  facetioufly : 

'  Notwithftanding  thefe  Gentlemen  "  What    became    of  him    nobody 

'  wear  wifs   Men,  they  feemed  to  "  knows;  I  am  fure  we  do  not  care 

'  blame  the  Oforfeers  of  the  formur  "  to  know."     This  the  Editor  is  far 

'  Companies,  not  confidering  that  from  endorfing.     The  Place  where 

'  God  plants  and  pull  vp,  bilds  and  he  fettled  was  named  Mount  Wollaf- 

pull  down,  and  terns  the  Wifdom  ton.     It  was  three  Miles  north  of 

of   wifs    Men    into    Foolifhnefs.  Weflaguflet.     Wood,  N.  Eng.  Pro- 

Thefe  caled   the  Name  of  thayr  fpeft,  31,  ed.  4°,  1635. 
Place    Mount-woolifton.      They 

continued  neare  a  Yeare  as  others         uo  The  Author  mould  have  faid 

"  had  don  before  them  ;  but  Famin  Commiflion.     The  Patent  remained 

"  was  thayr  final  aforthrow."  with  the  Company  in  England. 

109  Nothing  appears  to  be  known  in  And  yet,  with  aftonifliing  Per- 
of  Capt.  Wollallafton,  or  Wallafton  verfity  it  has  been  aflerted  that  En- 
further  than  is  contained  in  this  dicott  was  not  a  Governour  at  this 
Paragraph.  We  have  not  even  his  Time  ! — that  he  was  nothing  but  a 
Chriftian  Name.  And  Mr.  Adams  Captain !  Serious  Argument  againft 


with  him  fat  down  at  a  Place  called  Nahumkeik  (as 
in  a  Parenthefis  let  me  here  obferve,  that  that 
Indian  word  is  alfo  Hebrew  mro  Nahum  fignifieth 
Confolation,  and  p'n  Keik  is  Hebrew,  for  Boofome,  or 
Haven,  and  it  fo  fals  out,  that  the  Englifh  have 
hapned  to  call  that  Place  by  another  Name  which 
is  alfo  Hebrew,  viz.  Salem}.  There  did  they  enjoy 
Peace.  Howbeit  there  are  Antient  Planters,  who 
teftifie  that  the  Indians  being  poiTefled  with  fome 
Fears  left  the  Englifh  mould  in  Time  take  their 
Countrey  [21]  from  them,  were  confpiring  to  de- 
ftroy  them.  And  the  fmall  Handful!  of  Chriftians 
then  in  Salem,  were  alarmed  with  the  Report  of 
no  lefs  than  a  thoufand  barbarous  Natives,  coming 
to  cut  them  off;  and  that  upon  a  Lord's  Day, 
whereupon  they  difcharged  feveral  great  Guns,  the 
fmall  Shot  wherein  made  fuch  a  terrible  Rattling 
among  the  Trees  a  far  off,  that  the  amazed  Indians 
returned  not  a  little  affrighted.112  And  it  was  a 
wonderfull  Providence  of  God,  now  to  reftrain  the 
Heathen,  fince  it  fo  hapned,  that  about  this  Time 
there  were  fome  Tumults  about  the  Englifh  them- 
felves."3  For  whereas  Mr.  Wollafton  and  his  Part 
ners  left  fome  of  their  Servants  here,  and  gave 

fuch  abfurd  Nonfenfe  will  hardly  be  ten  Accounts ;  perhaps  from  Roger 

expefted.     See  N.  Eng.  Hift*-Gen.  Conant,  as  he  was  living  when  the 

Reg.  for  Oft.,  1853,  and  Jan.  1854.  Author  wrote,  See  Dr.  Felt's  Annals 

Or  Review  of  Savage's  Wintbrop' s  of  Salem,  i,  154. 
Journal,  18-22.  113The  ^^  ^  Reference) 

1 '  -  This  Affair  happened  in  April  very   probably,    to    the    Troubles 

and  May,   1630      The  Author  no  between    Gov.    Endicott    and    the 

Doubt  had  his  Information  refpedt-  Browns.     See  Annah  Salem,  \,  87, 

ing  it  from  fome  of  the  early  Settlers,  136,  &c.     Hiftory  and  Antiquities 

as  it  differs  from  the  earlier  writ-  of  B  oft  on,  Pages  65,  73. 

o 


Order  that  a  Man  whofe  Name  was  Flicker,  mould 
command  and  overfee  them.  There  was  another, 
whofe  Name  was  Thomas  Morton.  He  would 
needs  take  upon  him  to  be  Lord  oj  Mif-rule ;  and 
having  gained  much  by  trading  with  the  Indians, 
this  Morton  and  his  drunken  Companions  quickly 
wafted  all  in  riotous  Living."4 

This  was  the  Man  that  taught  the  Indians  in 
thefe  Parts  the  Ufe  of  Gunns ;  how  they  mould 
charge  and  difcharge  them,  and  imployed  them  in 
hunting  for  him  :  and  when  they  were  inftrufted 
in  the  Ufe  of  thefe  Inftruments  of  Death,  they 
would  purchafe  them  at  any  Rates ;  whereby  the 
Safety  of  the  Englijh  was  not  a  little  hazzarded. 

In  Conclufion,  the  Englifh  at  Plymouth  and  Sa 
lem,  agreed  to  feyze  upon  this  Morton,  which  was 

114  The  Story  of  Thos.  Morton  Things  of  that  Day.  Onenotknow- 
and  his  Merry -Mount  Companions  ing  quite  as  much  as  its  Author 
has  been  too  often  told  to  be  in-  about  the  Country  then,  would  tin- 
troduced  here.  Morton  was  a  re-  derftand  but  little  of  his  Meaning, 
markable  Chara&er,  poflefled  of  he  employs  fo  many  Enigmas  and 
Learning,  and  perhaps  was  about  fingular  Allufions.  He  entitled  it 
half  as  a  bad  a  Fellow — which  New  Englijh  Canaan,  and  it  was 
would  leave  him  quite  bad  enough  printed  in  1637,  in  410,  in  London. 
— as  the  People  of  Plymouth  and  Some  Copies  have  a  Title  purport- 
Salem  report  him  to  be.  He  ing  it  to  have  been  iflued  at  Amfter- 
was  a  Churchman,  and  feemed  de-  dam  the  fame  Year.  It  is  not  pro- 
termined  "  to  have  a  good  Time  bable  there  were  two  Editions  at 
"  generally,"  in  fpite  of  his  auftere  that  Period.  It  is  reprinted  in 
Neighbours.  It  does  not  appear  Force's  Trafts.  The  Original  is  of 
that  he  went  out  of  his  Way  to  an-  great  Rarity.  For  many  Years  but 
noy  them,  or  that  he  interfered  with  one  Copy  was  known  in  New  Eng- 
them  in  any  Way,  unlefs  indireftly  land,  and  that  belonged  to  John 
by  furnifhing  the  Indians  with  Fire-  Quincy  Adams.  To  that  Gentle- 
arms.  He  publifhed  a  curious  Book  man  I  was  indebted  for  an  early  Ufe 
about  New  England,  which  is  indeed  of  his  Copy.  Many  other  Copies 
a  Curiofity  among  the  curious  are  now  in  this  Country. 


I07 

done  w  et  armis,  and  he  was  fent  over  to  England, 
there  to  receive  fuch  Punifhment  as  by  the  Honour 
able  Council  for  New  England  mould  be  thought 
meet.11* 

All  thefe  Tumults  notwithftanding,  the  over 
ruling  Providence  of  God  kept  the  Indians  quiet. 

It  is  to  be  wondered  at,  that  the  Church  in 
Plymouth  mould  be  preferved  when  other  Englifh 
Plantations  could  not  lubiift  in  this  Countrey ;  but 
either  the  Indians,  or  the  Lords  own  Hand  brought 
them  to  a  fudden  End  from  time  to  time.  But  God, 
who  faw  that  they  deiigned  fomething  betier  than 
the  World  in  their  planting  here,  brought  it  to  pafs 
by  iuch  Wayes  as  thefe : 

1.  MaJ/afoit    (as  was  hinted   before)    was   per- 
fwaded    by    Squantums    Information,    that    if  the 
Englijh  mould  be  his  Friends,  he  need  not  fear  any 
Enemies   in  the  World  :  ib  did  he  become  a  Wall 
to  the  Englifh  at   Plymouth  againft  other  Indians. 
The  Earth  helped  the  Woman  that  was  fled  into 
the  Wildernefs,   whom   the   Dragon   would   have 
fwallowed  up. 

2.  The  Lord  made  them  very  fuccesfull  in  their 
Expeditions  againft  thofe  Enemies  that  firft  fought 
their  Deftrudtion."6 

115  He   returned   however,  foon  there  were  not  enough  of  his  Fol- 

after,  no  Notice  having  been  taken  lowers  left  to  get  up  a  Dance  about 

of  the  Complaints  againft  him,  but  it  if  it  had  been  {landing, 
his  Days  for  troubling  the  Puritans 

were  pretty  nearly  ended.  Although  1 1  o  Reference  is  here  made  to  Stan- 
he  went  to  his  former  Place  of  Re-  dim's  fummary  Campaign  againft 
fidence  at  the  Mount,  his  Maypole  the  Maflachufetts  with  eight  Men, 
was  cut  down  and  deftroyed,  and  already  detailed. 


[22]  3.  They  prevailed  with  God  by  Failing 
and  Prayer  to  look  upon  them  and  blefs  them  with 
fpecial  Mercy  when  it  was  a  Time  of  need,  which 
did  greatly  affed:  and  aftonifh  the  Indians.  Some 
of  them,  therefore,  conceiving  high  Thoughts  con 
cerning  the  Engli/h-mans  God,  and  his  Love  to  his 
People,  that  truly  fear  and  ferve  him.  That  which 
Mr.  Winjlow  (and  fince  him  another)  doth  pub- 
lickly  teftifie  concerning  this  Matter,  deferveth 
Commemoration,  namely,  that  whereas  after  the 
Firfl  Indian  Troubles  were  over,  there  was  a  fore 
Drought  on  the  Land  continuing  for  the  fpace  of 
fix  Weeks;  infomuch  that  it  was  judged  by  fome 
that  the  Corn  was  withered  and  dead,  paft  recovery, 
the  Church  in  Plymouth  fet  themfelves  by  Fafting 
and  Prayer,  to  feek  Mercy  from  the  Lord  in  this 
Thing.  And  though  in  the  Morning  when  they 
affembled  themfelves,  the  Heavens  were  clear,  and 
the  Drought  as  likely  to  continue  as  ever,  yet  be 
fore  their  folemn  fervice  was  ended,  the  Heavens 
grew  black  with  Clouds,  and  the  next  Morning 
thefe  Clouds  diftilled  Rain,  and  for  the  Space  of 
fourteen  Days  together  there  were  moderate  Show 
ers  ;  fo  that  the  drooping  Corn  was  revived  to 
Admiration."7 

A  friendly  Indian  before  mentioned,  known  by 
the  Name  of  Hobbomock>  living  in  the  Town  of 
Plymouth,  enquired  why  the  Englijh  met  together 
in  that  Manner,  it  being  but  three  Days  after  the 

117Befides  the  Account  in  Winf-  Smith's  New  England  Trials,  and 
low's  Relation,  of  this  fevere  Drouth,  Morton's  Memorial.  Drouths  have 
other  Particulars  may  be  found  in  not  been  uncommon  in  all  Times. 


Sabbath;  and  being  informed  of  the  true  Caufe 
thereof,  and  obferving  the  gracious  Effects  that  fol 
lowed,  he  was  greatly  affected,  and  told  other  In 
dians  of  it,  who  were  alfo  fmitten  with  deep  Con 
viction,  and  the  more  in  that,  albeit  in  Times  of 
Drought  the  Indians  are  wont  to  Powaw  and  cry 
to  their  Gods,  fometimes  for  many  Dayes  together; 
yet  if  Rain  follow,  it  is  wont  to  be  accompanied 
with  terrible  Thundering  and  Lightning  and  Tem- 
pefts,  which  often  do  more  hurt  than  the  Rain  doth 
good ;  when  as  it  was  other  wife  with  refpect  to  the 
Showers  which  at  this  Time  came  from  Heaven, 
in  Anfwer  to  the  Prayers  of  the  Church  in  Ply 
mouth  'II8  fo  that  the  Heathen  confeffed  that  the 
Englifh  mans  God  was  better  than  theirs.  And 
fome  amongft  the  Indians  became  faithfull  to  the 
Engli/h,  though  as  yet  but  very  few, 

Apparent  rari  Nantes  in  Gurgite  vafto.^ 

There  having  been  (as  was  faid)  a  Patent  for  the 
MaJJacbufets  Government  by  royal  Grant  obtained, 
many  out  of  England  flocked  into  this  Country 
almoft  every  Year.  And  for  the  moft  Part,  not  fo 
much  on  the  Account  of  Trade,  or  to  profecute 
any  worldly  Intereft,  as  on  the  Account  of  Reli 
gion.  Thele  did  God  own,  having  wonderfully 
made  Way  for  their  Planting  here  by  calling  out 

118  This   ingenious  Turn  of  "the  powwowing  had  to  Thunder  and 

Author  has  doubtlefs  caufed  many  a  Lightning,  it  is  rather  ridiculous  to 

Smile  upon  the  intelligent  Reader's  fuppofe,  that  it  caufed  them. 
Face,  and  will  without  doubt  caufe 

many  more  upon  the  Faces  of  others.          119This   is  from  Virgil,   but  its 

Whatever    Affinity    or    Similitude  Appofitenefs  is  not  very  apparent. 


the  Heathen  before  them,  [23]  with  mortal  Dif- 
eafes ;  efpecially  by  the  Plague  amongft  the  Indians 
in  Plymouth  Colony,  and  the  Small-pox  among  the 
Maffacbufets.™ 

In  Anno  1631.  new  Jealoufies  arofe  concerning 
the^treacherous  Indians.  Capt.  Walker  one  Eve 
ning  had  two  Arrows  (hot  through  his  Coat,  which 
caufed  an  Alarm  at  Lyn,  then  known  by  the 
Name  of  Sawguji  :  but  no  Lives  were  loft  ;  nor  is 
there  any  Certainty  to  this  Day  who  fhot  thofe 
Arrows,  whereby  the  Captains  Life  was  fo  eminently 
endangered.121 

About  the  fame  Time  the  Indians  began  to  be 
quarrelfome  touching  the  Bounds  of  the  Land  which 
they  had  fold  to  the  Engli/h ;  but  God  ended  the 
Controverfy  by  fending  the  Small-pox  amongft  the 
Indians  at  Sauguft,  who  were  before  that  Time 


120  The  Ravages  of  the  Small 
pox  are  pretty  minutely  defcribed 
in  Winthrop's  Journal,  The  Book 
of  the  Indians,  and  Johnfon's  Won 
derworking  Providence.     The  latter 
fays  :  "  The  Mortality  among  them 
'  was  very  great,  infomuch  that  the 
'  poor  Creatures,  being  very  timor- 
'  ous  of  Death,  would  faine  have 
'  fled  from  it,    but  could  not  tell 
'  how,  unlefle  they  could  haue  gone 
'  from  themfelves.     Relations  were 
'  little  regarded  among  them  at  this 
Time,   fo  that  many  who  were 
'  fmetten   with   the    Difeafe   died 
'  helplefle,  unlefle  they  were  neare 
'  and  known  to  the  Englifh.  Their 
'  Powwowes,  Wizards,  and  Charm 


ers  were  pofleft  with  the  greateft 
Feare  of  any."     Page  51. 

121 "  Once,  about  Midnight,  En- 

lign  Richard  Walker,  who  was  on 

the  Guard,  heard  the  Bufhes  break 

near  him,  and  felt  an  Arrow  pafs 

through  his  Coate  and  buff  Waift- 

coat.     As   the  Night  was  dark, 

he  could  fee  no  one,   but  he  dif- 

charged  his  Gun,    which    being 

heavily  loaded,    fplit    in  Pieces. 

He  then  called   the    Guard,  and 

returned   to  the  Place,  when  he 

'  had  another  Arrow  fhot  through 

'  his  Clothes."  Lewis's  Hift.  Lynn, 

x  76.     See  alfo  Johnfon,  p.  50. 


exceeding  numerous.122  Whole  Towns  of  them 
were  fwept  away,  in  fome  of  them  not  fo  much  as 
one  Soul  efcaping  the  Deftruction.  There  are 
fome  old  Planters  furviving  to  this  Day,  who 
helped  to  bury  the  dead  Indians,  even  whole  Fami- 
lyes  of  them  all  dead  at  once.  In  one  of  the 
Wigwams  they  found  a  poor  Infant  fucking  at  the 
Breaft  of  the  dead  Mother ;  all  the  other  Indians 
being  dead  alfo.123 

Not  long  after  this,  when  the  Town  of  Ipfwich 
was  firft  planted  it  was  vehemently  fufpected  that 
the  Tarratines  (or  Eaftern  Indians]  had  a  Defign  to 
cut  off  the  Engli/h  there.  For  a  friendly  Indian 
called  Robin  came  to  an  Engli/hman  whofe  Name 
is  Per  kens1**  acquainting  him  that  fuch  a  Thurfday 
there  would  come  four  Indians  to  draw  him  to  the 
Water  fide  under  Pretence  of  trucking  with  him, 
and  that  they  had  prepared  forty  Canooes  which 
mould  ly  out  of  Sight  under  the  Brow  of  an  Hill, 
full  of  armed  Indians  to  cut  off  the  Englim.  The 
four  Indians  came  at  the  Time,  and  to  the  Perfon 
mentioned.  He  inftead  of  going  to  the  Water  fide 
to  truck  with  them,  fpoke  roughly  to  them,  and 
caufed  an  Alarm,  fo  they  immediately  returned, 
perceiving  their  Plot  was  difcovered,  and  prefently 

1 2'-  Lewis  fays  the  Englifh  bought     various  Sources,  that  the  Indians  had 
the  Town  of  the  Indians,  for  which     but  vague  Notions  of  felling  Land. 

they  paid  them  £i6:io.r,  and  lived          IOOT-M  •        •  r  i  T»         c  L-    -NT 

n       •  ,  .,          Tj-a  T  This  painful  Part  of  his  No- 

narmomoufly  with  them.  Hilt.  Lynn,  c    ,      V,  .     , 

76.     This  was  before  the  Purchafe  Oce  ' °f,  ,the  S,mall-pox,  the  Author 

was  made.     They  took  Land  where  F°bably  took  from  Johnfon.     See 

they  pleafed  and  the  Indians  made  Wmd'  *»***••  5*- 
no  Objefton.     It  is  evident   from          ia4  Sergeant  John  Perkins, 


fourty  fuch  Canooes  as  the  friendly  Indian  had 
given  Warning  of,  were  difcovered.11* 

Befides  the  Particulars  which  have  been  infilled 
on,  I  cannot  underftand  that  there  was  any  general 
Difquietment  raifed  by  the  Indians,  untill  the  Year 
1636.  It  is  true  that  fome  particular  Mifchiefs 
and  private  Murthers  were  committed  before  that, 
after  the  forementioned  Troubles  were  allayed. 
For  Mr.  We/ion,  who  himfelf  (under  another  Name 
and  the  Difguife  of  a  Black- Smith)  arrived  here  not 
long  after  his  Plantation  was  ruined,  fuffering  Ship 
wrack  near  Pafcataqua  hardly  efcaped  with  his  Life, 
in  refped:  of  the  Indians,  who  took  his  Goods  from 
him,  and  ftripped  him  of  his  very  Cloathes  to  the 
Shirt  on  his  Back."6 

[24]  About  eleven  Years  after  that,  Capt.  Sfone, 
Capt.  Norton,  with  all  their  Ships  Company,  were 

125  A    Narrative  of  this   Affair  fell  into  the  Hands  of  the  Indians, 
was  drawn  up  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  This  was  in  1623.    By  what  Means 
Cobbett  of  Ipfwich  and  fent  to  our  he  efcaped  out  of  the  Hands  of  the 
Author.     I  made  a  Copy   of  the  Barbarbarians  is  not  mentioned.    It 
original  Paper  and  printed  it  in  the  is  probable    that   when    they    had 
N.  Eng.  Hift.-Gen.  Reg.,  vii,  211-  ftripped  him  of  everything  they  fuf- 
12.     Seealfo  Hi/},  and  Antqs.  Bof-  fered  him  to  efcape,  and  he  found 
ton,  198.  his  Way  to  the  Englifh  at  Pafcataqua. 

There  he  borrowed  a  Suit  of  Clothes 

126  The  Trials  and   Misfortunes  and  found  Means  to  get  to  Plymouth, 
of  Capt.  Thomas  Wefton  are  mi-  "  A  ftrange  Alteration  there  was  in 
nutely  dwelt  upon  by  Gov.  Brad-  him,"  fays  Bradford,  "to  fuch  as  had 
ford  in   his    Hiftory   of  Plymouth  "  known  him  in  his  former  flourifh- 
Colony.     He   was  a  Man   of  con-  "  ing  Condition."    P.  133.     The 
fiderable  Credit  and  in  good  Stand-  fame  Author  tells  us  that  from  Ply 
ing  when   he  undertook  to  make  a  mouth  he  "  fhaped  his  Courfe  for 
Plantation    in    New    England,    but  "  Virginia,"  and  that  "  he  dyed  at 
Fortune  was  againft  him.    One  Dif-  "  Briftoll  in  the  Time  of  the  Warrs, 
after  after  another   overtook   him,  "  of  Sicknefs."    P.  154.     We  have 
until  at  laft  he  was  fhipwrecked  and  yet  no  Wefton  Family  Hiftory, 


C  "3  ] 

barbaroufly  murdered  by  the  Pequot  Indians  (as  in 
the  Sequel  more  fully  related.) 

And  two  Years  after  that,  Mr.  John  Oldham  was 
maffacred  by  the  Indians  of  Muniffes,  now  called 
Elock-Ijland ;  which  Things  made  Way  for  the 
Pequot  War,  whereby  the  whole  Englifh  Intereft 
(yea  the  Intereft  of  Chrift,  who  had  ere  that  taken 
PolTeffion  of  this  Land,  and  glorioufly  began  to 
erect  his  own  Kingdom  here)  was  threatened  and 
endangered. 

Great  Pitty  it  is,  that  although  it  be  now  fourty 
Years  fince  thofe  Motions,  and  albeit  the  Works 
which  God  then  wrought  for  his  People  were  ad 
mirable,  yet  that  no  Compleat  Memorial  thereof 
hath  been  publimed  to  this  Day.127  It  is  then  high 
Time  that  fomething  more  mould  be  done  therein, 
that  fo  both  we  and  our  Children  after  us,  may  fee 
what  great  Things,  the  Lord  God  of  our  Fathers 
hath  done  for  them  and  for  us. 

And  there  is  a  Gentleman  in  this  Countrey 
(namely  Mr.  "John  Allyn,  who  is  Secretary  to  the 
Council  at  Hartford,  and  one  of  the  worthy  Magif- 
trates  of  that  Colony)  .who  hath  been  induftrious 
in  gathering  up  the  Truth  of  Things,  about  thofe 
Troubles,  being  under  peculiar  Advantages  there 
unto,  by  Informations  from  him,  who  was  princi 
pally  inftrumental  in  righting  the  Lords  Battels  at 
that  Time  againft  the  Heathen. 

127  The  Author  does  not  appear  1638.     When  the  Text  was  writ- 

to  have  known  anything  of  the  Pub-  ten  Mr.  Hubbard's  Hiftory,  includ- 

Jications  of  Underhill  and  Vincent ;  ing  a  very   good    Account   of  the 

both    were    printed  in   London  in  Pequot  War,  was  alfo  publifhed. 

P 


[   "4  ] 

This  Narrative  of  Mr.  Allyns  I  {hall  here  infert 
and  publifh,  as  I  received  it,  without  making  the 
leaft  Alterations  as  to  the  Sence,  and  very  little  as 
to  the  Words.  It  is  that  which  followeth.1*8 

Some  Grounds  of  the  W^ar  again/I  the 
Pequots. 

'  In  or  about  the  Year  i633.I29    One  Capt.  Stone 

*  arrived  in  the  MaJ/achufetts,  in  a  Ship  from  Vir- 

'  ginia,  who  fometime  after  was  bound  for  Virginia 

'  again,  in  a  fmall  Bark,  with  one  Capt.  Norton,1*0 

who    failing  up  Connecticut    River,  about    two 

Leagues  from  the  Entrance,  caft  Anchor ;  there 

coming  to  them  feveral  Indians  belonging  to  that 

Place,  whom  the  Pequots  tyranized  over,  being  a 

potent  an  da  warlike  People,  they  being  accuftomed 


128  The  Writer  was  miftaken 
about  the  Authorfliip  of  the  Narra 
tive  fent  him  by  Mr.  Allen.  The 
Author  of  it  was  Capt.  John  Mafon. 
It  is  hardly  poflible  but  that  Mr. 
Allen  knew  who  the  real  Author 
was.  Had  he  communicated  the 
whole  of  it  Mr.  Mather  would  have 
known  that  it  was  Mafon's  Work ; 
but  he  omitted  to  fend  the  prefatory 
Matter,  and  hence  Mr.  Mather's 
Miftake.  Capt.  Mafon  lived  at 
Norwich,  and  in  or  before  1736, 
his  Grand-fon  put  the  original  Ma- 
nufcript  into  the  Hands  of  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  who  edited 
and  publifhed  it  in  the  Year  above 
named.  Mr.  Prince  fays,  in  his 
Introduction,  "  I  have  been  more 
"  than  ufually  careful  in  correcting 


"  the  Prefs  according  to  the  Ori- 
"  ginal."  It  will  be  feen  by  com 
paring  Mr.  Prince's  Edition  with 
this  in  our  Text,  that  Mr.  Allen, 
in  making  his  Copy  took  the  Liberty 
to  make  many  verbal  Alterations; 
probably  thinking  them  Improve 
ments. 


129  «  About    the 
Prince's  Edition. 


Year    1632." 


1 30 1  have  been  led  to  ftate  the 
Chriftian  Name  of  Norton — Wal 
ter.  Hift.  Bofton,  1 66.  Savage  gives 
it  William.  The  Editors  of  the  late 
(36th)  Vol.  of  Mafs.  Hift.  Colls. 
would  not  commit  themfelves  by 
giving  Norton  a  Place  in  their  In 
dex. 


[   "5  ] 

'  fo  to  deal  with  their  neighbouring  Indians.     Capt. 

*  Stone  having  feme  Occafion  with  the  Dutch,  who 

*  lived  at  a  Trading  houfe,  near  twenty  Leagues  up 
'  the  River,  procured  forne   of  thofe  Indians  to  go 
'  as  Pilots  with  two  of  his  Men  to  the  Dutch ;  but 
'  they    being  [25]   benighted,    before    they   could 
'  come  to  their  defired   Port,  put   the   Skiffe,   in 
'  which  they  went,  aihore ;  where  the  two  Englim- 
'  men  falling  afleep,  were  both  murdered  by  their 

*  Indian   Guides,   there  remaining  with  the  Bark, 
'  about  twelve  of  the  aforefaid  Indians,  who  had  in 
'  all  probability,  formerly  plotted  their  bloody  De- 
'  figne,  and  waiting  an  Opportunity  when  fome  of 
'  the  Englim  were  on    Shore,   and   Capt.  Stone1*1 

*  afleep  in  his  Cabbi'n,  fet  upon  them  and  cruelly 
'  murthered    every  one  of  them,    and    plundered 
'  what  they  pleafed,  and  afterward  funk  the  Bark. 

'  Thefe  Indians  were  not  native  Pequots,  but  had 

131  Capt.  John  Stone.     He  was  to  the  Connecticut  River  and  was 

murdered  in  the  Autumn  of  1633,  there  murdered.  The  Fine  of  £100 

the  News  of  which  was  brought  to  was  remitted  about  five  Years  after 

Plymouth  21  Jan.,  1634.    See  Hift.  his  Death.     The  Circumftances  of 

and  Antiqs    Bofton,    166.     He  is  the  Murder  are  particularly  detailed 

doubtlefs  the  fame  of  whom  we  find  in  Winthrop's  Journal,  i,  1 48.  See 

this  Record  in  the    Proceedings  of  alfo  Bradford's  Hift.  Plymouth,  349- 

the   General  Court :     Sept.    1633.  50.    Much  Intereft  for  Capt.  Stone 

Capt.  John  Stone,  for  his  Outrage  feems  to  have  grown  up  long  after 

comitted  in  confronting  aucthori-  his  Death,    and    every    Effort   was 

ty,  abufeing  Mr.  Ludlowe,  both  made  to  ferret  out  his  Murderers, 

in  Words  and  Behavour,  aflalting  Among    others    the    Narraganfets 

him  and  calling  him  a  iuft  as,  &c.,  were  employed.     On  the   3 1  ft  of 

is  fined  C£,  and  prohibited  come-  Auguft,  1637,  they  fent  to  Bofton 

ing   within   this    Patent  without  the  Hands  of  three  Pequots,  one  was 

leaue  from  the  Gourmt,  vnder  the  aflerted  to  have  been  the  chief  Mur- 

Penalty  of  Death."  In  confequence  derer  of  Capt.  Stone.     Winthrop's 

of  this  Banifhment  Capt.  Stone  went  Journal,  i,  237. 


[   n6 

*  frequent  Recourfe  to  them,  to  whom  they  ten- 

*  dered  fome  of  thofe  Goods,  which  were  accepted 
'  by  the  chief  Sachim  of  the  Pequots :  and  fome  of 
'  the  Goods  were  tendered  to  the  Sachim  of  Nian- 
'  tick  who  alfo  received  them.1** 

'  The  Honoured  Council  of  the  MaJJachufetts 

*  hearing  of  thefe  Proceedings  of  the  Pequots,  fent 
'  to  fpeak  with  them,  and  had  fome  Treatyes,  but 
'  no  Iffue  was  made  to  Satisfaction.1*3 

'  After  which,  Capt.  John  Rndicot  was  fent  forth 
4  Commander  in  Chief,  with  Capt.  Underbill,  Capt. 
'  Turner  and  about  an  hundred  and  twenty  Men, 
'  who  were  firftly  deligned  againft  a  People  living 
'  on  Block  I/land,  who  were  Subjects  to  the  Nara- 
'  ganfet  Sachim,  they  having  faken  a  Barke  of  Mr. 
'  John  Oldham,  murthering  him  and  his  Company. 

*  They  were  alfo  to  call  the  Pequots  to  an  Account 

*  about  the  murthering  of  Capt.  Stone :  who  arriv- 

*  ing  at  Pequod1^  had  fome  Conference  with  them, 

*  but  little  was  effected,  only  one   Indian  flain,  and 

*  fome  Wigwams  burnt. 

*  After  which  the  Pequots  grew  enraged  againft 
'  the  Englim  who  inhabited  Connecticut,  being 

132  In    Mafon's    Hiftory    it  is :  "  and  Block-Hand  againft  the  next 
"  Other  of  faid  Goods  were  ten-  "  Seflion  of  this  Courte."     But  a 
"  dered    to    Nynigrett    Sachim    of  Treaty  was  made.     See  Book  of  the 
"  Nayanticke,"  &c.  Indians,  B.  ii,  p.  1 66.     Hubbard's 

Narrative,  1 1 7,  where  the  Articles 

133  Nothing  further  than  this  ap-     may  be  feen. 
pears   on    the    Colonial    Records : 

Dec.  1636.    "The  Court  did  in-          l31  New  London.    The  River  on 

"  treate  the  Govern1"  and  Counfell  which  New  London  ftands  was  call- 

"  to  confider  about  the  Profecution  ed  Pequot  River.     Probably  from 

"  of  the  Warrs  againft  the  Pecoits  its  Mouth  to  Norwich. 


[  "7  ] 

but  a  fmall  Number,  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
who  were  there  newly  arrived,  and  alfo  about 
twenty  Men  at  Seybrook  under  the  Command  of 
Lieut.  Lion.  Gardner^  who  was  there  placed  by 
feveral  Lords  and  Gentlemen  in  England. 
'  The  Pequots  obferving  Lieut.  Gardner  going  to 
Fire  the  Meadows  about  Haifa  Mile  off  the  Fort, 
with  ten  Men  with  him,  was  violently  aflaulted 
by  the  Pequod  Indians,  fo  that  fome  were  flain,  the 
reft  were  refcued  by  the  Souldiers  iffuing  out  of 
the  Fort  upon  the  laid  Pequots  who  fled.'s6  They 


135  Gardiner  wrote  a  Hiftory  of 
the  War  fo  far  as  he  was  perfonally 
concerned  in  it,  which  laid  in  MS. 
until  1833,  when  it  was  printed  as 
a  Paper  in  a  Volume  of  the  Mafs. 
Hifl.  Colls.,  Vol.  3.,  Third  Ser.     It 
was  drawn  up    about    twenty-three 
Years  after  the  War,  "  having,"  he 
fays,  "  rumaged  and  found  fome  old 
"  Papers  then  written,  it  was  a  great 
"  help  to  my  Memory."     Mr.  Ro 
bert   Chapman,  Thomas  Hurlburt 
and  Major  Mafon  having  urged  him 
to  do  it. 

136  "  jn  tne  22(j  Of  February,  I 
"  went  out  with  ten  Men  and  three 
"  Dogs,  half  a  Mile  from  the  Houfe, 
"  to  burn  the  Weeds,  Leaves  and 
"  Reeds,  upon  the  Neck  of  Land, 
"  becaufe   we   had    felled    twenty 
"  timber  Trees,  which  we  were  to 
"  roll   to   the  Water  fide  to  bring 
"  home,    every    Man    carrying    a 
"  Length  of  Match  with  Brimftone- 
"  matches  with   him  to  kindle  the 
"  Fire  withal.     But  when  we  came 
**  to  the  fmall  of  the  Neck,  the 


Weeds  burning,  I  having  before 
this  fet  two  Sentinels  on  the  fmall 
of  the  Neck,  I  called  to  the  Men 
that  were  burning  the  Reeds  to 
come  away,  but  they  would  not 
until  they  had  burnt  up  the  reft 
of  their  Matches.  Prefently  there 
ftarts  up  four  Indians  out  of  the 
fiery  Reeds,  but  ran  away,  I  call 
ing  to  the  reft  of  our  Men  to  come 
away  out  of  the  Marfti.  Then 
Robert  Chapman  and  Thomas 
Hurlbut,  being  Sentinels,  called  to 
me,  faying  there  came  a  Number 
of  Indians  out  of  the  other  Side 
of  the  Marfti.  Then  I  went  to 
ftop  them,  that  they  fhould  not 
get  [to]  the  Woodland ;  but 
Thomas  Hurlbut  cried  out  to  me 
that  fome  of  the  Men  did  not  fol 
low  me,  for  Thomas  Rumble  and 
Arthur  Branch  threw  down  their 
two  Guns  and  ran  away;  then  the 
Indians  (hot  two  of  them  that  were 
in  the  Reeds,  and  fought  to  get  be 
tween  us  and  home,  but  darft  not 
come  before  us,  but  kept  us  in  a 
half  Moon,  we  retreating  and 


[  "8  ] 

'  alfo  feized  fome  that  were  paffing  up  Connefticut 
'  River,  and  tortured  them  in  a  moft  cruel  Manner, 
'  with  moft  barbarous  and  inhuman  Crueltyes ; 

*  roafting'of  them  alive,  &c.137 

'  They  alfo  lay  fculking  about  the  Fort  almoft 
'  conftantly,  that  the  Englim  could  not  go  out  of 
'  the  Fort,  but  they  were  aflaulted  by  the  Pequods, 
'  fo  that  ConneSiicut  out  of  their  fmall  Numbers, 
'  conftrained  [26]  themfelves  to  fend  Capt.  John 
'  Mafon  with  twenty  Men138  to  fecure  the  Place. 
'  But  after  his  coming,  there  did  not  one  Pequod 
<  appear  in  View  for  a  Moneths  Space  about  the 
'  Fort,  which  was  the  Time  he  there  remained. 

'  In  the  Interim,  many13^  of  the  Pequods  went  to 

*  a  Place   now  called   Wetbersfield  on  Connt&icut, 

*  and  having  confederated  with  the  Indians  of  that 
'  Place  (as   it  was   generally  thought)   they  lay  in 

*  Ambum  for  the   Englim  People  of  that  Place, 
'  and  divers  of  them   going   to  their  Labour  in  a 

"  exchanging   many  Shot,  fo   that  Tilley."     See  Underhill's  Hiftory, 

1  Thomas  Hurlbut  was  fhot  almoft  p.  15,  and  Gardiner,  147  (of  Hift. 

'  through  the  Thigh,  John  Spencer  Co/If.,  iii,  in  Ser.) 
'  in  the  Back,   into  his  Kidneys, 

'  myfelf  into  the  Thigh,  two  more  138  "  Out  of  their  fmall  Num- 

'  fhot  dead.     But  in  our  Retreat  I  "  bers,"  fays  Mafon.     It  mould  be 

'  kept    Hurlbut    and  Spencer  ftill  remembered  that  Connecticut  had 

'  before  us,  we  defending  ourfelves  been  fettled  by  the  Englifti  fcarcely 

'  with  our  naked  Swords,  or  elfe  two  Years ;  that  in  the  Emigration 

'  they  had  taken  us  alive."  of  1635,  but  about  fixty  Men,  Wo- 

Gardiner   does    not  mention  by  men  and  Children   compofed   the 

what  Numbers  he  was  furrounded,  Colony.     This  Murder  was  about 

but  Underhill  fays  there  were  "  a  the  Middle  of  Oftober,  1636. 

"  hundred  or  more." 

139  «  Certain  Pequots,  about  one 

137  This  has   Reference  to    the  "hundred."  Mafon.  The  Numbers 

horrible  Torture  of  "  Matter  John  of  the  Enemy  were  ufually  magnified. 


[  "9  ] 

'  large  Field  adjoyning  to  the  Town,  were  fet  upon 
'  by  the  Indians,  nine  of  the  Englim  were  flain 
'  upon  the  Place,  and  fome  Horfes,  and  two  young 
'  Women  were  taken  Captive.140 

*  The  Pequods  at  their  Return  from  Wethersfield, 
c  came  down  to  the  River  of  Connecticut,  (Capt. 

*  Mafon  then  being  at  Saybrook  Fort,)  in  three  or 
'  more  Canooes,  with  about  an  hundred  Men,  the 
'  Englifh   efpying  of  them,    concluded  they   had 
'  been  acting  f  me  Mifchief  again  ft  us,  and  there- 
'  fore  prepared  one  of  their  great  Gunns,  and  made 

*  a  Shot  at  them,  which  Shot  ftroock  off  the  Head 

*  of  one  of  their  Canooes,  wherein  the  two  Captives 
'  were,  although  the  Shot  was  made  at  them  at  a 
'  great  Diftance,   near  three   Miles:141  but  feing  it 
'  was  fo  placed,   they   haftned   to   the   Shore,  and 

*  drew  their  Canooes  with  what  Speed  they  could 
'  over  a  narrow  Beach  and  fo  got  away. 

'  The  Englifh  of  Connecticut  being  fo  alarmed 
'  by  thefe  Infolencyes  of  the  Pequods,  faw  meet  to 

140  Mitigating  Circumftances  often  "  who  came  up  the  River  and  killed 

come  to  Light  in  the  Lapfe  of  Years,  "  fix  Men."    Lothrop's  Cent.  Ser. 

which  render  A&ions  lefs  atrocious,  at  W.  Springfield,   1796,  p.  23-4. 

than  they  feem  by  a  partial  Recital  Mr.  Goodwin,  Geneal.  Foote  Fam. 

at  the  Time  of  their  committal.  Int  p.  xxi-ii,  gives  the   Names  of 

"  Sequin,  a  head    Man    of  the  two  of  the  Men  killed — Abraham 

"  River  Indians,  gave  Lands  on  the  and  John  Finch.     One  of  the  Girls 

"  River  to  the  Englifh,  that  he  might  taken  was  a  Daughter  of  William 

"  fit  down  by  them  and  be  pro-  Swain.     See  Gardiner's  Hiftory,  p. 

"  tefted.     But  when    he  came   to  147.  The  Name  of  the  Indian  who 

"  Wethersfield  [then  called  Water-  commenced  the  Murder  of  the  Eng- 

"  town]  and  fet  up  his  Wigwam,  lifh  at  Wethersfield  was  Wauphanck. 

"  the  People   drove  him  away  by  Williams. 
"  Force.     Refenting   the    Wrong, 

"  but  wanting  Strength  to  revenge         ]aiThe  "near  three  Miles"  is 

"  it,  he  fecretly  drew  in  the  Pequots,  not  in  Mafon. 


'  call  a  Court,  which  met  in  Hartford  upon  Con- 
'  necJicut  the  firft  Day  of  May,  1637,  who  ferioufly 

*  confidering  their  Condition,  which  did  look  very 
'  fad,  fince  the  Pequods  were  a  great  People,  forti- 
'  fied,    cruel,    warlike,   munitioned,   &c.    and   the 
'  Englifli  but  a  Handful  in  Comparifon  of  them. 

*  But  their  outrageous  Violence  againft  the  Englifh 

*  (having  murthered  about  thirty  of  them)  their 
'  great  Pride    and   Infolency,    and    their   conflant 
'  Purfuit   in   their  malicious   Courfes,   with    their 
'  Endeavours    to    ingage    other    Indians    in    their 
'  Quarrel  againft  the  Engli/h,  who  had  not  offered 
'  them  the  leaft  Wrong. 

'  Thefe  Things  being  duly  confidered,  with  the 
'  eminent  Hazard  and  great  Perill  the  People  of 
'  Connecticut  were  in,  it  pleafed  God  fo  to  ftir  up 
'  the  Hearts  of  all  Men  in  general,  and  the  Court 
'  of  Connecticut  in  fpecial,  that  they  concluded  it 
'  neceffary  that  fome  Forces  mould  be  fent  forth 
'  fpeedily,  againft  the  Pequots,  their  Grounds  being 
'  juft,  and  Neceflity  enforcing  them  to  engage  in 
'  an  ofFenfive  and  defenfive  Warr,  with  the  good 
'  Succefs  the  Moft  High  was  pleafed  to  crown  his 

*  People  withall,  we  are  nextly  to  relate.- 


[27]  A 

BRIEF    HISTORY 

of  the  W^ar  with  the  Pequot  Indians  in 
New-England;    Anno   1637. 


142 


*  In  the  Beginning  of  May,  1637.  there  were 
fent  out  by  Connecticut  Colony  ninety  Men  under 
the  Command  of  Capt.  John  Majon  (afterwards 
Major  Majbn,  and  Deputy  Governor  of  Connefti- 
cut  Colony)  againft  the  Pequots,  with  whom 
went  Uneasy1**  an  Indian  Sachem  of  Moheag^  who 
was  newly  revolted  from  the  Pequots.1** 

1  This  fmall  Army  was  fhipped  in  one  Pink,  one 
Pinnace  and  one  Shallop,  fbme  of  which  VefTels 
in  their  ParTage  down  Connecticut  River,  fell  on 
Ground,  by  Reaibn  of  the  lownefs  of  the  Water, 
and  the  unfkilfulnets  of  the  Englijh  in  the  Chan- 


1 4  2  «  An  Epitome  or  brief  Hiftory 
"  of  the  Pequot  War."  Mafon. 

i43«Onkos."  Mafon.  Our  Au 
thor  made  ufe  of  the  Form  which 
has  prevailed,  but  his  Place  of  Refi- 
dence  Mafon  lays  was  at  Mobegan. 

Uncas  proved  faithful  during  the 
Expedition.  When  the  Army  were 
marching  on  the  Pequot  ftrong  hold, 
and  were  near  to  it,  Capt.  Mafon 
inquired  of  him  if  the  Narraganfets 
would  fight  the  Pequots,  as  they  had 
made  great  Speeches  as  to  what  they 

ft 


would  do.  Uncas  faid  he  could  not 
depend  on  them :  "  and  fo  it  proved. 
'  For  which  Expreffions  and  fome 
'  other  Speeches  of  his,  I  ftiall  never 
'  forget  him.  Indeed  he  was  a 
'  great  Friend  and  did  great  Ser- 
'  vice." 

141  The  Indians  and  other  bar 
barous  Nations  continually  practiced 
Seceffion.  The  more  barbarous  a 
People  is,  the  greater  their  Propen- 
fity  to  this  Kind  of  Self-deftruaion. 
See  Introduction, 


I22 

'  nel.145  The  Indians  not  being  wonted  to  fuch 
'  Things  with  their  fmall  Canooes,  and  alfo  being 
'  impatient  of  all  Delayes,  defired  they  might 
'  be  fet  on  Shore,  promifing  they  would  meet  our 
'  Army  at  Seybrook ;  which  Requeft  of  theirs  was 

*  granted  :  and  they  being  fet  at  Liberty  haftning  to 

*  their  Quarters  at  Saybrook,  met  with  about  thirty 
'  or  fourty  of  the  Pequots  near   Seybrook,  and  en- 
'  gaged  them,   and   flew  feven  of  them   upon  the 
'  Place,  and  had  only  one  of  their  own  wounded, 
'  who  was  conveyed  back  to  Connecticut  in  a  SkifFe. 

'  Capt.  Vnderhill  hearing  of  the  Approach  of  the 
'  Army,  went  and  met  them  and  informed  them 

*  what  was  performed  by  Vncus  and  his  Men,  which 
'  News  was  welcome  to  them,  and  looked  upon 
'  as  a  fpecial   Providence ;    for  before   they   were 
'  fomewhat  doubtfull  of  the  Fidelity  of  their  Indian 

*  Volunteers.146 

*  Capt.  Vnderhill  hearing  of  the  Defign  our 
'  Army  was  upon,  very  freely  offered  his  Service 
'  with  nineteen  Men  to  go  along  with  them,  if 
'  Leiut.  Gardner  would  allow  of  it  (who  was  chief 

*  Commander  at  Seybrook  Fort)  which  Motion  was 
'  no  iooner  propounded  to  Lieut.  Gardner,  but  he 
'  readily  approved  of  it,147  and  our  Councill  of  War 

145  "  Capt.   Mafon    having  fent          146  It  is  not  eafy  to   account  for 

"down  a  Shallop  to  Seybrooke  Fort,  Mafon's    Want    of"  Knowledge  re- 

'  and  fent   the  Indians  over  Land  fpefting  Lieut.  Gardiner's   Agency 

'  to  meet  and  rendezvooufe  at  Sea-  in  this  Aft  of  Uncas's  Men.     See 

'  Brooke  for,  themfelves  came  down  Gardiner,  149. 
'  in  a  great  mafly  Veflel,  which  was 

'  flow    in    coming,    and  very  long          147  Gardiner's  Account  does  not 

'  detained  by  crols  Winds  "  Gar-  agree  very  well  with  this.      He  fays: 

diner,  16.  "  Soon  after  came  down  from  Hart- 


123 

'  accepted  of  it  alfo ;  who  in  Hew  of  thofe  twenty, 
'  immediately  lent  back  [28]  twenty  of  theirs  to 

*  Connecticut  to  help  guard  the  Women  and  Chil- 

*  dren,  &c. 

'  Upon  a  Wednefday  our  Army  arrived  at  Sey- 
'  brook,  where  they  lay  Wind-bound  till  Friday,  in 
'  which  Time  the  Councill  of  War  confulted  how 
'  and  in  what  Manner  they  mould  proceed  in  their 

*  Enterprize,  which  was  accompanied  with  much 
'  Difficulty;  their   Commiffion  ordering  them  to 
'  land    their    Men    in    the    Pequot  River,    againft 
'  which  were  thefe  Difficultyes. 

*  Firft,   The    Pequods   kept  a  continual   Gaurd 

*  upon   the   River,   Night  and   Dey   in  a  conftant 
'  Courfe. 

*  Secondly,  Their  Numbers  far  exceeded  ours ; 

*  they  had  alfo   fixteen   Gunns  with  Powder  and 
'  Shot,  befides  their  Indian  Artillery,  as  our  Councill 
'  of  War  was  informed  by  the  two-  captive  Maids 

*  (mentioned  where  we  declared   the   Grounds  of 

*  this  War)  who  were  redeemed  by  the  Dutch,  and 

"  ford  Major  Mafon,  Lieut   Seely,  "  unlefs  we,  that  were   bred  Sol- 

"  accompanied  with  Mr.  Stone  and  "  diers  from  our  youth,  could  fee 

"  80  Englifhmen,  and  80  Indians,  "  fome  likelihood  to  do  better  than 

"  with    a    Commiffion    from    Mr  "  the    Bay-men    with  their  ftrong 

"  Ludlow  and  Mr.  Steel,  and  fome  "  Commiffion  laft  Year."     He  next 

"  others.     Thefe  came  to  go  fight  doubted  the  Fidelity  of  Uncas  and 

"  with  the  Pequits.    But  when  Capt.  his    80    Mohegans,    who    were  fo 

"  Undrill  and  I  had  feen  their  Com-  lately  Pequots  ;  but,  on  adlual  Trial 

"  miffion,  we  both  faid  they  were  he    found    them    faithful.      "  And 

"  not  fitted  for  fuch  a  Defign."  But  "  having  ftaid  there  five  or  fix  Days 

the  Major  faying  the  Government  "  before  we"  could  agree,  at  laft  we 

could  do  no  better :  "  then  we  faid  "  old  Soldiers  agreed  about  the  Way 

"  that  none  of  our  Men  mould  go  "  and  Adi,  and  took  20  fufficient 

"  with  them,  neither  fhould  they  go  "  Men  from  the  80,"  &c. 


reftored  now  to  us  at  Seybrook,148  which  was  a 
very  friendly  Office,  and  not  to  be  forgotten. 

'  Thirdly,  They  were  on  Land,  and  being  fwift 
of  Foot,  might  much  impede  the  Landing  of  our 
Men,  and  difhearten  them,  they  continually 
gaurding  that  River,  and  our  Men  not  knowing 
where  to  land  nearer  then  Narraganfet. 

'  Fourthly,  It  was  alledged  that  if  our  Army 
landed  at  Narraganfet,  they  would  come  upon 
their  Backs,  and  poffibly  might  Surprize  them 
unawares ;  at  worft  they  mould  be  on  firm  Land 
as  well  as  the  Enemy. 


J48  Gardiner  fays  he  redeemed  the 
Maids  at  a  Coft  to  himfelf  of  £10, 
for  which  he  had  never  even  Thanks. 
He  employed  fome  Dutch  Traders 
to  redeem  them,  "  who  brought 
"  them  away  almoft  naked,  putting 
"  on  them  their  own  linen  Jackets 
"  to  cover  their  nakednefs."  P.  147. 
Underhill  has  a  much  more  circum- 
ftantial  Account  than  any  of  the 
early  Writers.  See  his  Hiftory,  p. 
17-19.  Winthrop  in  his  Journal, 
i,  223,  gives  an  Account  leaving  out 
the  Agency  of  Capt.  Gardiner  en 
tirely.  It  is  likely,  as  Winthrop 
fays,  that  the  Dutch  Governour  fent 
a  Sloop  and  Men  with  Orders  to 
refcue  the  Captives  "  even  at  the 
"  Price  of  a  War  with  the  Pequots." 
Thefe  Girls  were  captured  on  the 
23  of  April,  and  brought  to  Say- 
brook  Fort  to  Capt.  Gardner  on 
May  1 5th.  Gardiner's  Account  is 
doubtlefs  perfectly  correcl:.  Mr. 
Goodwin,  in  his  Genealogy  of  the 
Foote  Family  does  not  appear  to 
have  profited  by  UnderhilTs  Nar 


rative.     See  Underbill,  17,  18. 

Capt.  Johnfon  has  fome  Fadts 
not  contained  in  the  other  Authors 
about  the  Captivity  of  thefe  Maids : 
Three  Women  kind  they  caught, 
and  carried  away,  but  one  of 
them  being  more  fearfull  of  their 
cruell  Ufage  afterward  then  the 
Lofle  of  her  Life  at  prefent,  be 
ing  borne  away  to  the  thickeft  of 
the  Company,  refilled  fo  iloutly 
with  fcratching  and  biting,  that 
the  Indian  exafperated  therewith, 
caft  her  down  upone  the  Earth 
and  beate  out  her  Braines  with  his 
Hatchet"  Wonder  Working  Pro 
vidences,  115.  "They  did  not  offer  to 
abufe  their  Perfons  [of  the  Maids] 
as  was  verily  deemed  they  would, 
queftioned  them  with  fuch  broken 
Englifh  as  fome  of  them  could 
fpeak,  to  know  whether  they  could 
make  Gun-powder ;  which,  when 
they  found  they  could  not  doe, 
their  Prize  proved  nothing  fo 
pretious  a  Pearle  in  their  Eyes  as 
before."  Ibid. 


'  Notwithstanding  thefe   Reafons,   the  Councill 

*  of  Warr,  all  of  them  except  the  Captain,  were  at 

*  a  ftand,    and   could   not  judge    it  meet  to  fail  to 

*  Narraganfet.     Capt.  Mafon  in  this  difficult  Cafe, 
'  went    to    the    Reverend  Mr.   Samuel  Stone,    late 
'  Teacher   to  the  Church   of  Chrift   at   Hartford, 
'  who  was  fent  as  Preacher  to  the  Army,  and  de- 

*  fired  him  that   he  would   that   Night  commend 
'  their  Cafe  and  Difficulties  before  the  Lord,  and 

*  feek  Direction  of  him  in  the  Matter,  how  and  in 
'  what    Manner   they  mould    demean    themfelves. 

*  He  retired   himfelf  from    them  aboard  the  Pink 

*  the  remaining  Part  of  that  Day,  and  the  follow- 

*  ing  Night  was  not  wanting  in  fpreading  the  Cafe 

*  before   the  Lord,  and  feeking   his   Direction,  in 

*  the  Morning  he  came  on  Shore  to  the  Captains 
'  Chamber,  and  told  him  he  had  done  as  he  defired 
4  him,  and  though  formerly  he  had   been  againft 
'  failing  to  Narraganfet  and  landing  there,  yet  now 

*  he  was  fully  fatisfied  to  attend  it. 

*  The  Councel  being  again  called,  and  the  Mat- 
'  ter  debated,  and  Reafons  confidered,  they  agreed 

*  all  with  one  accord  to  fail  to  Narraganfet,  [29] 
'  which  the  next  Morning  they  put  in  Execution, 

*  which  proved  very  fuccefsful,  as  the  Sequel  may 

*  evidently  demonstrate.     What  (hall  I  fay  ?     God 

*  led  his  People  through  manifold  difficultyes  and 
'  Turnings,  yet  by  more  than  an  ordinary  Hand  of 
'  Providence,  He  led  them  in  a  right  Way. 

'  On  Friday  Morning,  they  in  purfuance  of  their 
'  Defign  fet  Sail  for  Narraganfet  Bay,  and  on  Sat- 


[   "6  ] 

'  urday  toward  Evening  they  arrived  at  their  de- 

*  fired  Port,  where  they  kept  the  Sabbath. I4? 

*  On  Munday  the  Wind  blew  fo  hard  at  Norweft 

*  that  they  could  not  go  on  Shoar,  as  alfo  on  Tuel- 

*  day  till  it  was  near  Sunfet,  but  the  Wind  abating, 
'  they  and  their  Defign  being  commended  to  God 
'  by   Mr.    Stone,   Capt.  Mafon  and  his   Company 

*  landed,  and  marched  up  to  the  Place  of  the  chief 
'  Sachims  Refidence,150  and  told  him,  that  they  had 

*  not  an  Opportunity  before,  to  acquaint  him  with 
"  their  coming  around  into  his  Country,  yet  they 

*  hoped  it  would  be  wel   accepted   by  him,   there 

*  being  Amity  between  us  and  them,  and  alfo  that 

*  the  Pequots  and  they  were  Enemies,  and  that  he 
'  could  not  be  unacquainted  with  thefe  intolerable 
'  Wrongs  and  Injuries,  thofe  Pequots  had  lately  done 
'  unto  the  Englifh,  and  that  they  were  now  come 
'  (God  affifting)   to  avenge   ourfelves   upon   them, 

*  and  that  they  did  only  defire  free  PafTage  through 
'  his  Countrey. 

'  The  Sachim  returned  this  Anfwer,  that  he  did 


149  May  23,  1637.  It  was  to 
the  Arrival  of  the  Maflachufetts 
Men  under  Patrick,  that  Roger 
Williams  referred,  doubtleis,  in  his 
Letter  to  John  Winthrop,  dated, 
"  New  Providence,  this  4th  of  the 
"  Weeke,  at  early  Dawn."  See 
Mafs.  Hi}}.  Colls.,  36,  194.  (They 
fhould  have  given  their  Volume  a 
better  Index,  or  none  at  all,  as  it  is 


'  you  a  mercifull  refrefhing  to  vs. ... 
'  He  [Gallop]  relates  that  there  is 
'  now  riding  below  three  Pinnaces 
'  (the  Names  of  the  Matters  Quick, 
'  JigHes  [Giggles  ?]  and  Robinfon), 
'  and  the  two  Shalops,  as  allfo  that 

'  the  other,  whereof Jackfon 

'  of  Salem  is  Matter,  was  in  com- 
'  pany  with  them  the  Night  be- 
'  fore,"  &c. 


deceptive.)       Mr.    Williams    fays : 
"  John  Gallop  (blefled  be  the  Lord)          13°  Miantonimo    was     then    the 

"  is  fafely  arrived  at  our  Dores,  and  "  great    Sachem    of  Narraganfet," 

"  hath  brought  from  the  Lord  and  and  this  was  on  May  24th. 


*  accept  of  their  coming,   and  did  alfo  approve  of 

*  their  Defigne,  only  he  thought  our  Numbers  were 
'  too  Weak  to  deal  with  the  Enemy,  who  were  (as 
'  he  (aid)  very  great  Captains,  and  Men  fkilful  in 
'  War,  thus  he  i'pake  fomewhat  flightingly  of  our 
'  Men. 

'  On  Wednefday  Morning  they  marched  from 
'  there  to  a  Place  called  Niantick,  it  being  about 
'  eighteen  or  twenty  Miles  diftant,  where  another 
'  of  thofe  Narraganfet  Sachims  lived  in  a  Fort,  it 

*  being  a  Frontier  to  the  Pequots.     They  carried  it 
'  very  proudly  to  our  Men,  not  permitting  any  of 
'  them  to  come  into  their  Fort.1*1 

'  Capt.  Mafon  beholding  their  Carriage,  and 
'  knowing  the  Falfehood  of  the  Indians,  fearing 
'  left  they  might  difcover  them  to  the  Enemy, 
'  efpecially  the  Indians  having  many  Times  fome 

*  of  their  neer  Relations    amongft    their    greateft 
'  Foes,  faw  Caufe  to  fet  a  Guard  about  their  Fort, 
'  that  no  Indian  might  pafs  in  or  out,  and  charged 
'  the  Indians  not  to  pafs  out  upon  the  Peril  of  their 
'  Lives.     And  there  they  quartered  that  Night,  the 
'  Indians  not  offering  to  ftir  out  all  the  while. 

'  In  the  Morning   came  to  the  Army  ieveral  of 

*  Miantinomie  his  Men,  who  told  them  they  were 
'  come  to  affift   them    in    the  Expedition,   which 
'  encouraged  divers  Indians  of  that  Place  to  engage 

*  alfo,  who  drawing  [30]  into  a  Ring,  one  by  one, 

*  made  lolemn    Proteftation    how    gallantly    they 
.'  would  demean  themfelves,  and   how   many  Men 
'  they  would  kill. 

151  Ninigret,  then  a  young  Man,     was  Sachem  of  that  Tribe. 


C   "8  ] 

*  On  Thurfday,  about  eight  of  the  Clock  in  the 
'  Morning,  they  marched  thence  towards  Pequot, 
'  having  about  jfe  hundred  Indians  with  them.    In 
'  which  March,  through  the  Heat  of  the  Weather, 
'  and  Want  of  Provifion,  fome  of  our  Men  fainted ; 
'  but  when  they  had  marched  about  twelve  Miles, 

*  they   came   to    Pawquatuck1^  River,    to  a  Ford, 

*  where  the   Indians   faid   the   Pequots   did  ufually 

*  fifh.     There  they  made  a  ftand  and  flayed  Ibme 
'  fmall  Time ;  but  the  Narraganfet  Indians  mani- 
'  fefted  great   Fear,   and  many  of  them   returned, 
'  although  they  had  defpifed  our  Men,   and  laid 
'  they  durft  not  look  upon  a  Pequot,  and  vaunted 
'  what  great  Things  they  themfelves  would  do. 

*  Capt.  John  Mafon  faw  Reafon  then  to  acquaint 
'  the  Indians  that  they  were  come  on  Purpofe,  and 

*  were  refolved  (God  affifting)  to  fee  the  Pequots,  and 
'  to  fight  with  them  before  they  returned,  although 

*  they   perimed ;  and  then    he  enquired  of  Uncas 
'  what  he  thought  the  Indians  would  do  ;  who  faid 
'  the  Narraganfets  would  all  leave  them,  but  as  for 

*  him  (elf,  he  would  never  leave  them,  and  fo  it 
'  proved. 

*  After  they  had  there  refrefhed  themfelves  with 

*  their  mean  Commons,  they  marched  about  three 
'  Miles,    and    came    to  a  Field  which    had    been 
'  planted  with  Indian  Corn,  where  they  made  an- 
'  other  Alt :  and  fuppofing  that  they  drew  near  to 
'  the  Enemy,  who,  as  they  were  informed,  had  two 

152  Pawcatuck,  a  Bay  and  River,  part  of  the  Boundary  between  it  and 
in  Wefterly,  R.  I.  The  River  rifes  R.I.  Parfons,  Indian  Names,  z\. 
partly  in  Conefticut,  and  makes  This  Name  has  many  other  fpellings. 


I29 

'  Forts  almoft  impregnable,  which  did  no  Ways 

*  difcourage  the  Souldiers,  rather  animated  them, 
'  infomuch  that  they  refolved  to  aiTault   both  the 

*  Forts  at  once;  but   the   Council  of  War  having 

*  confulted  the  Matter,  underftood  that  one  of  the 

*  Forts,  in  which  the  bloodieft  Sachim  refided,  was 

*  fo  remote   that  they  could  not  poffibly  come  up 

*  with  it  in  Seaibn,   and   feeing   fome  of  the  Soul- 

*  diers  fpent  in  the  March  with  extream  heat,  and 

*  Want  of  Neceffaries,  concluded  and  refolved  to 
'  afTault  and  ftorm  the  neareft  Fort.153 

*  Then  they  marched  on  in  xjlknt  Manner ;  the 

*  Indians  th<  t  remained,   who  in  the  March  hith- 
'  erto   kept  the  Van,   (being  furprized  with  great 
'  Fear)  fell  all  into  the  Rear. 

'  They  continued  their  March  till  about  an  Hour 

*  in  the  Night,  and  then  coming  to  a  little  Swamp 
'  between  two  Hils,  there  they  pitched  their  little 
'  Camp,    being    much    wearied    with    hard    Tra- 
'  veil ;  fuppofing  (by  the  Relations  of  the  Indians) 
(  they  were  near  the  Fort,   which  proved   other- 
'  wife.154    The  Rocks  were  their  Pillows,  yet  Reft 
'  was  fweet  and  pleafant  to  them.     They  appointed 

153  Capt  Underbill  thus  defcribes  Colls .  of  Connetticut,  3 1 2. 
the  Pequot  Fort :     "  This  Fort,  or 

"  Palifado,  was  well  nigh  an  Acre  J54  The  Officers,  fuppofing  that 

"  of  Ground,  which  was  furround-  they  were  now  near  the  Fort,  pitch- 

"  ed  with  Trees  and  half  Trees,  fet  ed  their  little  Camp  between  or  near 

"  into  the  Ground  three  feet  deep,  two   large    Rocks,    in    the    prefent 

"  and  fattened  clofe  to  one  another."  Town  of  Groton,  fince  called  Por- 

The  Hill  is  now  called  Pequot  Hill,  ter's  Rocks.     Trumbull's  Hiji.  Ct., 

and  lies  eight  Miles  northeaft  of  New  i,  83.     A  View  of  the  Rocks  may 

London.     There  is  a  Reprefenta-  be  feen   in  Barber's   Hift.  Colls,  of 

tion  of  the   Hill   in   Barber's  Hift.  Connefttcut,  p.  313. 

R 


their  Guards,  and  placed  their  Sentinels  at  fome 
Diftance,  who  heard  their  [31]  Enemies,  finging 
in  their  Fort  until  Midnight,  with  great  infulting 
and  rejoycing  (as  they  were  afterwards  informed 
by  Wequajh  a  Pequot  Captain,  who  was  revolted 
from  the  Pequots,  and  was  one  of  their  Guides 
in  this  March)  For  they  feeing  our  Pinnaces  fail 
by  them  a  few  Days  before  concluded  they  were 
afraid  of  them,  and  durft  not  to  come  near  them. 

'Towards  Morning  Capt.  Majon  being  awakened, 
and  feeing  it  very  light,  fuppoied  it  had  been  day, 
and  fo  they  might  have  loft  their  Opportunity, 
haveing  determined  to  make  their  Aflault  before 
Day  and  therefore  immediately  roufed  up  his 
Souldiers,  and  briefly  commended  themfelves  and 
Defigne  to  the  Guidance  and  Protection  of  the 
Lord,  and  went  to  the  Affault. 

'  Their  Indian  Guide  mowing  them  a  Path,  laid  it 
led  directly  to  the  Fort;  they  took  the  Path,  and 
marched  on  the  beft  Part  of  two  Miles  wondering 
that  they  faw  not  the  Fort;  and  fearing  that  their 
Indian  Guide  might  delude  them,  but  coming  to 
a  Place  where  Corn  was  newly  planted  at  the  Foot 
of  a  great  Hill,  fuppofed  the  Fort  was  not  far  off, 
a  champion  Country  being  round  about  them. 

'  There  the  Captain  caufed  his  Company  to  make 
a  Stand  and  gave  Order  that  the  Indians  fhould 
come  unto  him;  at  length  Uncas  and  Wequajh 
come  up,  of  whom  he  demanded  where  the  Fort 
was ;  they  anfwered  on  the  Top  of  that  Hill ;  He 
alfo  enquired  where  the  Reft  of  the  Indians  were, 


'  they  anfwered,  behind  exceedingly  afraid  ;I5S  he 
'  then  defired  them  to  tel  the  Reft  of  their  Follow- 
'  ers  that  they  fhould  by  no  Means  fly,  but  ftand 

*  at  what  Diftance  they  pleafed,  an  fee  whether 

*  Englifh  Men  would  now  fight  or  not.    Then  Capt. 
'  Underbill  come,  up  into  the  Front,  and  after  Capt. 
4  Mafon  had  commended  their  Cafe  to  God   there 

*  being  two  Entrences  into  the  Fort,  they  divided 

*  their  Men ;  and  Capt.  Mafon  lead  up  to  that  en- 

*  trance  on  the  North- eaft  Side,  who  approaching 
'  within  a  Rod  of  the  Entrence  a  Dog  bark'd,  and 
'  an  Indian  cried  Wanux  wanux.1*6    He  commanded 
'  his   Souldiers   to   clofe   up   to  the  Fort,  and  fire 
'  upon  them  through  the  Palizadoes,  which  they 
c-  did,  the  Indians  being  in  a  dead  and  indeed  their 

*  laft  Sleep.     The  Souldiers  having  fired  wheeled 
'  off  and  came  to  the  main  Entrence,  which  was 

*  blocked  up  with  Bufhes  about  Breaft  high,  over 
'  which  Capt.  Mafon  very  couragioufly  leaped,  and 
'  ftood  to  make  good  the  Entrance,  and  command- 

*  ed  his   Souldiers  to  follow  him,   one  of  which157 
'  endeavouring,  was  entengled  in  the  Bufhes,  but 
4  getting  back,  pulled  out  the  Bufhes  and  fo  the 

*  Souldiers  followed  their   Captain   into   the  Fort 
'  with  their  Swords  drawn,  for  they  had  concluded 

!55  "  Of  five  or  fix  hundred  In-  '•  off."     P.  Vincent's  Hift.  of  the 

"  dians,  not  above  half  were  left;  Battell,  37. 

"  and   they   had  followed    the  reft  ,    _ 

«  had  not  Capt.  Underhill  upbraid-  ..            °™nux!  ,°?TJ.  whu* 

•ed    them    with   Cowardice,  and  '1S    Enghfhmen '      Enghfhmen!" 

'  promifed  them   they   fhould  not  a-'°n' 

'  fight  or  come  within  (hot  of  the  w  "  Lieutenant  Seeley  endavor- 

'  Fort,   but  only  furround   it  afar  "  ed  to  enter,"  &c.     Ma/on, 


to  deftroy  them  with  the  [32]  Sword,  and  fo  to 
fave  the  Plunder.1*8 

'  The  Indians  as  yet  kept  their  Wigwams-,  Capt. 
Majon  entered  a  Wigwam,  and  his  Guard  not 
feeing  him,  pafled  away  from  him,  where  he 
was  ftrongly  aflaulted  by  many  Indians,  but  he 
bravely  defended  himfelf,  and  flew  feveral  of  his 
Oppofers;  at  laft  William  Heyden  perceiving  the 
Place  where  the  Captain  went  in,  eflayed  to  go 
in  himfelf,  but  in  his  Entrance  ftumbled  upon  a 
dead  Man,  but  foon  recovering  himfelf,  he  fel 
upon  the  Indians.  The  Indians  fome  were 
flain,  fome  fled,  others  crept  under  their  Beds, 


158  The  following  is  Capt.  Un 
derbill's  Account  of  the  Onfet : 
"  Having  our  Swords  in  our  right 
"  Hand,  our  Carbines  or  Mufkets 
"  in  our  left  Hand,  we  approached 
"  the  Fort.  Mailer  Hedge  being 
"  {hot  through  both  Arms,  and 
"  more  wounded.  Though  it  be  not 
"  commendable  for  a  Man  to  make 
"  mention  of  anything  that  might 
tend  to  his  own  Honour,  yet 
becaufe  I  would  haue  the  Provi 
dence  of  God  obferved,  and  his 
Name  magnified,  as  well  for  my- 
felf  as  others,  I  dare  not  omit,  but 
let  the  World  know,  the  Deliv 
erance  was  given  to  us  that  com 
mand,  as  well  as  to  private  Sol 
diers.  Capt  Mafon  and  myfelf 
entering  into  the  Wigwams,  he 
was  mot,  and  received  many 
Arrows  againft  his  Head-piece, 
God  preferving  him  from  many 
Wounds.  Myfelf  received  a  Shot 
in  the  left  Hip,  through  a  fuffi- 
cient  buff  Coat,  that  if  I  had  not 
been  fupplied  with  fuch  a  Gar 


ment,  the  Arrow  would  have 
pierced  through  me.  Another  I 
received  between  my  Neck  and 
Shoulders,  hanging  in  the  Linen 
of  my  Head-piece.  Others  of 
our  Soldiers  were  mot,  fome 
through  the  Shoulders,  fome  in 
the  Face,  fome  in  the  Head,  fome 
in  the  Legs.  Capt.  Mafon  and 
myfelf  lofing  each  of  us  a  Man, 
and  had  near  twenty  wounded. 
Moil  courageoufly  thefe  Pequeats 
behaued  themfelves.  But  feeing 
the  Fort  was  too  hot  for  us,  we 
devifed  a  Way  how  we  might 
faue  ourfelues  and  prejudice  them. 
Capt.  Mafon  entering  into  a  Wig 
wam,  brought  out  a  Firebrand, 
after  he  had  wounded  many  in 
the  Houfe.  Then  he  fet  Fire  on 
the  well  Side  where  he  entered. 
Myfelf  fet  Fire  on  the  fouth  End 
with  a  Train  of  Powder.  The 
Fires  of  both  meeting  in  the 
Centre  of  the  Fort,  blazed  moil 
terribly,  and  burnt  all  in  the  Space 
Half  an  Hour.  Many  courage- 


'  where  they  flept  their  laft;  the  Captain  going 
'  out  of  the  Wigwams  met  with  many  of  them 
'  and  put  them  to  the  Sword ;  in  which  Time  of 

*  Fight  feveral  Englifh  were  wounded.    Capt.  Ma- 
'  fon  perceiving  his  Men  wounded,  and  the  Enemy 
'  not  yet  routed,   faw  Caufe   himfelf  to  go  into  a 
'  Wigwam,  and  fetch  out  a  Firebrand,  and  putting 

*  it  in  one  of  the  Mats  with  which  the  Wigwams 
'  were  covered;  commanded  one  of  his  Souldiers 

*  to  throw   fome   Powder   upon   it,   which  fet  the 
'  Mat  on   Fire,  which   the  Wind    taking,   it  was 
'  quickly  thoroughly  kindled,  which  made  the  In- 
'  dians  run  as  Men  moft  dreadfully  amazed. l& 


ous  Fellows  were  unwilling  to 
come  out,  and  fought  moft  def- 
perately  through  the  Palifadoes, 
fo  as  they  were  fcorched  and 
burnt  with  the  very  Flame,  and 
were  deprived  of  their  Arms — in 
regard  the  Fire  burnt  their  very 
Bowftrings — and  fo  perifhed  val 
iantly.  Mercy  they  did  deferve 
for  their  Valour,  could  we  have 
had  Opportunity  to  have  beftow- 
ed  it.  Many  were  burnt  in  the 
Fort,  both  Men,  Women  and 
Children.  Others  forced  [their 
Way]  out,  and  came  in  Troops 
to  the  Indians,  twenty  and  thirty 
at  a  Time,  which  our  Soldiers 
received  and  entertained  with  the 
Point  of  the  Sword.  Down  fell 
Men,  Women  and  Children ; 
thofe  that  efcaped  us  fell  into  the 
:  Hands  of  the  Indians  that  were 
in  the  Rear  of  us.  It  is  reported 
by  themfelvesj  that  there  were 
:  about  four  hundred  Souls  in  this 
Fort,  and  not  above  five  of  them 
efcaped  out  of  our  Hands.  Great 


"  and  doleful  was  the  bloody  Sight 
"  to  the  View  of  young  Soldiers 
"  that  never  had  been  in  War,  to 
"  fee  fo  many  Souls  lie  gafping  on 
"  the  Ground,  fo  thick  in  fome 
"  Places  that  you  could  hardly  pafs 
"  along."  Underbill. 

"  But  this  is  very  remarkable,  one 
"  of  them  being  wounded  to  Death,  a 
"  Thruft  thorow  the  Neck  with  a 
"  Halbert,  yet  after  all,  lying  groan- 
"  ing  upon  the  Ground,  he  caught 
'"  the  Halberts  Speare  [Blade]  in 
"  his  Hand,  and  wound  it  quite 
"  round."  Johnfon,  W.  Prov.,  115. 

1'<)  Mr.    Allen    has    taken    great 
Liberties  with  the  Original,  and  his 
Liberty  with  this  important  Part  of 
the  Narrative  is  intolerable.  I  there 
fore  extraft  the  Paragraph  as  Prince 
has  given  it  in  the  Words  of  Mafon  : 
Whereupon  Capt.  Mafon,  feeing 
no  Indians,    entered  a  Wigwam, 
where   he  was  befet  with  many 
'  Indians,  waiting  all  Opportunities 
'  to  lay  Hands  on  him,  but  could 


•  And  indeed  fuch  a  dreadful  Terror  did  the 
'  Almighty  let  fall  upon  their  Spirits,  that  they 
'  would  fly  from  the  Sword,  and  caft  themfelves 
'  into  the  very  Flames,  where  many  of  them  per- 
'  ifhed.160 


not  prevail.  At  length  William 
Hey  don  efpying  the  Breach  in 
the  Wigwam,  fuppofmg  fome 
Englifh  might  be  there  entred; 
but  in  his  Entrance  fell  over  a 
dead  Indian;  but  fpeedily  recover 
ing  himfelf,  the  Indians,  fome  fled, 
others  crept  under  their  Beds : 
The  Captain,  going  out  of  the 
Wigwam,  faw  many  Indians  in 
the  Lane  or  Street ;  he  making 
towards  them,  they  fled,  were 
purfued  to  the  End  of  the  Lane, 
where  they  were  met  by  Edward 
Pattifon,  Thomas  Barber,  with 
fome  others,  where  feven  of  them 
were  flain,  as  they  faid.  The 
Captain  facing  about,  marched  a 
flow  Pace  up  the  Lane,  he  came 
down,  perceiving  himfelf  very 
much  out  of  Breath,  and  coming 
to  the  other  End  near  the  Place 
where  he  firft  entred,  faw  two 
Soldiers  Handing  clofe  to  the  Pal- 
lizado  with  their  Swords  pointed 
to  the  Ground :  The  Captain 
told  them  that  we  fhould  never 
kill  them  after  that  Manner  : 
The  Captain  alfo  faid  '  We  muft 
burn  them  ;'  and  immediately 
ftepping  into  the  Wigwam  where 
he  had  been  before,  brought  out 
a  Firebrand,  and  putting  it  into  the 
Matts  with  which  they  were  cov- 

:  ered,  fet  the  Wigwams  on  Fire. 

:  Lieut.  Thomas  Bull  and  Nicholas 
Omfted  beholding,  came  up ;  and 


"  when  it  was  thoroughly  kindled, 
"  the  Indians  ran  as  Men  moft 
"  dreadfully  amazed." 

1  G!J  The  following  is  Vincent's 
Ac.ount  of  the  taking  of  the  Fort: 
"  The  Englifh  went  refolutely  up 
"  to  the  Door  of  the  Fort.  What ! 
"  (hall  we  enter?  faid  Capt.  Under- 
hrll  [This  is  denied  by  Under- 
hill  with  an  honeft  Soldiers  em- 
phafis.]  What  came  we  for  elfe  ? 
anfwered  one  Hedge  a  young 
Northamptonshire  Gentleman, 
who  advancing  before  the  reft, 
plucked  away  fome  Bufhes  and 
entered.  A  flout  Pequot  en 
counters  him  ;  moots  his  Arrow, 
down  to  the  Head  into  his  right 
Arm  where  it  ftuck.  He  flafhed 
the  Salvage  betwixt  the  Arm  and 
Shoulder,  who  preffing  towards 
the  Door,  was  killed  by  the  Eng 
lifh.  Immediately  Mafter  Hedge 
encountered  another,  who  per 
ceiving  him  upon  him  before  he 
could  deliver  his  Arrow,  gave 
back ;  but  he  ftruck  up  his  Heels, 
and  run  him  through.  After  him 
he  killed  two  or  three  more. 
Then  about  Half  the  Englifh  en 
tered,  fell  on  with  Courage,  and 
flew  many.  But  being  ftraitened 
for  Room  becaufe  of  the  Wig 
wams,  (which  are  the  Salvage 
Huts  or  Cabins,)  they  called  for 
Fire  to  burn  them.  An  Englifh- 


'  The  Fort  being  fired,  the  Captain  commanded 
'  that  all  mould  march  out  of  the  Fort,  and  fur- 
'  round  it ;  which  was  readily  attended  by  all,  only 
'  one  Arthur  Smith  was  fo  wounded  that  he  could 
'  not  move  out  of  the  Place,  who  was  happily 
'  efpyed  by  Lieut.  ^Tho.  Bu//,  and  by  him  refcued 

*  from  the  Flames,  which  otherwile  had  confumed 
'  him. 

*  The  Fire  was  kindled  on  the  Northeaft  Side  to 
'  Windward,  which  did  fwiftly  overrun  the  whole 
'  Fort,  to  the  extream  Amazement  of  the  Enemy, 

*  and  great  rejoycing  of  our  Souldiers,  fome  of  the 
'  Enemy  climbed  to   the  Top  of  the  Pallizadoes, 
'  where  they  were   mot   down,   others  gathered  to 
'  the  windward  Side  of  the  Fort,  and  lay  pelting  at 

*  our  Men  with  their  Arrows,  who  repaied  them 
'  with  their  fmall  Shot,  others  of  the  ftouteft  iflued 
'  forth  of  the  Fort,  about  fourty  of  them  who  fell 
'  by  the  Sword. 

'  Capt.  Underbill  and  thofe  with  him  acted  their 
'  Parts  in  this  Tragedy,  efpecially  one  Mr.  Hedge161 

"  man  ftepped  into  a  Wigwam,  and  hear  nothing  of  any  Feats  of  the 

'  ftooping  for  a  Firebrand,   an  In-  latter.     They   were   doubtlefs    So- 

'  dian  was  ready  to  knock  out  his  journers  in  the  Country  for  a  fhort 

'  Brains ;    but   he   whipt    out   his  Time  only.     Mafon  fays,  "  a  val- 

'  Sword  and  run  him  into  the  Belly,  "  iant  refolute  Gentleman,  one  Mr. 

'  that  his  Bowels  followed.     Then  "  Hedge,  ftepping  towards  the  Gate, 

'  were  the  Wigwams  fet  on  fire,"  &c.  "  faid,     'If    we    may   not   enter, 

"  wherefore  came  we  here  ;' "  thus 

161  Nothing  feems  to  be  known  not  corroborating  what  Vincent  at- 

of  this   "  Matter  Hedge,"  further  tributed  to  Capt.  Underbill.    Mafon 

than    is    reported    by  Vincent  and  moreover  fays  that  the  Indian  which 

Mafon.     He  is  fuppofed   to   be  a  Hedge  encountered  at  his  Entrance 

Volunteer  in  the  Expedition,  as  pro-  was   killed   by  him    and    Sergeant 

bably  was  Vincent  alfo,  though  we  Davis. 


C  '36  ] 

*  who  was  the  firft  that  entred  that  Gate  to  which 
'  Capt,  Underbill  led   up ;  the   Fire  was  no  fooner 

*  kindled    but    the    Smoke    and    Flames    were    fo 

*  violent,   that  they  were  conftrained   to  defert  the 
'  Fort  and  keep  them  in. 

[33]  '  Thus  were  they  now  at  their  Wits  end, 
'  who  not  many  Hours  before  exalted  themfelves 
'  in  their  great  Pride,  threatning  and  refolving  the 
'  utter  Ruin  and  Deftruction  of  all  the  Englifh, 
'  exulting  and  rejoicing  with  Songs  and  Dances  ; 
'  but  God  was  above  them,  who  laughed  his  Ene- 

*  myes,  and  the  Enemyes   of  his  People  to  Scorn, 

*  making    them    as  a  fiery   Oven ;    thus    were    the 
'  ftout  hearted  fpoiled,  having  flept  their  laft  Sleep, 
'  and  none  of  their  Men   could  find  their  Hands ; 
'  thus  did  the  Lord  judge  among  the  Heathen,  fill- 
c  ing  the  Place  with  dead  Bodyes. 

'  And  here  we  may  take  Notice  of  God's  Judge- 
'  ment  upon  this  bloody  Generation,  in  fending  the 
'  Night  before  the  AfTault  an  hundred  and  fifty 
'  Men  from  their  other  Fort  to  join  with  this  Fort, 

*  who  were  defigning  (as  iome  of  themfelves  have 

*  related)   to  go  forth   againfl   the   Englifh  at  that 
s  very  Inftant  when   this   Stroke  came  upon  them, 

*  where  the  moft  of  them  perimed  with  their  Fel- 

*  lows,  fo  that  the  Mifchief  they  intended  againfl  us 
'  came  upon  themfelves  ;  they  were  taken  in  their 
'  own  Snare  and  we  through   the  Mercy  of   God 
'  efcaped.     And  thus  in  little  more  than  one  Hours 
'  Space  was  their  impregnable  Fort  with  themfelves 
'  utterly  deftroyed,   to  the   Number  of  Jive  or  Jix 
'  hundred,  as  hath  been  confefled  by  the  Pequots 


'  who  efcaped.  There  were  feven  taken  captive, 
'  and  about  eight  efcaped ;  and  of  the  Engli/h  there 
'  were  twojlain16*  outright  and  above  twenty  wounded. 
'  Some  of  our  Souldiers  fainted  for  Want  of  fuch 
'  Comforts  and  NecefTaries  as  were  needful  in  fuch 

*  a  Cafe.     The  Chyrurgion*63  was  much  wanted, 
'  who  was  left  with  the  Barks  in  Narraganfet  Bay, 
'  with  Order  there  to  remain  until  the  Night  be- 
'  fore  they  intended  to  AfTault. 

*  And  thereupon  grew  many  Difficultyes  amongft 
'  the  Army,  their  Provilion  and  Ammunition  being 
'  neer  fpent,  and  they  in   the  Enemyes  Country, 

*  who  did   far  exceed    them  in   Numbers,    being 
'  much  enraged,   and  moft  of  our  Indian  Friends 
'  having  left  them,  and  our   Pinacnes  a  great  Dif- 
'  tince  from  them,  and  their  coming  uncertain. 

*  But  as  they  were  confulting  what   Courfe  to 

*  take,  it  pleafed   God  to  difcover  our  VefTels  to 

*  them  under  a  fair  Gale  of  Wind  failing  into  the 
'  Pequot  Harbour,  to  their  great  rejoicing. 

'  They   had   no   fooner  diicovered   our   VefTels, 
'  but  immediately  came   up   the  Enemy  from  the 

*  other  Fort,  about  three  hundred  of  them.     Capt. 
'  Mafon  led  forth  a  File  or  two  of  Men  to  fkirmim 

lfi2"  One  of  them  by  our  own  bably  Thomas  Pell,  who  came  over 

"  Muflcets,  as  is  thought."  Vincent,  in  1635,  i°  tne  Hopewell;  and 

38.  "  In  little  more  than  an  Hour  went  with  Lt.  Lyon  Gardiner  to 

"  betwixt  three  and  four  hundred  Saybrook.  "  Our  Chirurgeon,"  fays 

"  of  them  weree  killed."  Ibid.  Underbill,  "  not  accuftomed  to 

Mafon  fets  the  Number  flain  at  "  fix  "  War,  durft  not  hazard  himfelf 

"  or  feven  hundred,"  while  Gardi-  "  where  we  ventured  our  Lives,  but 

ner  rates  the  killed  at  three  hundred.  "  like  a  frefb  water  Soldier,  kept 

"  aboard."  Farmer  feems  not  to 

103  This  "  Chyrurgion  "  was  pro-  have  found  this  Perfon. 

s 


[  '38  3 

'  with  them,   which   ftopt  their  Carrier,   and  put 

*  them  to  a  Stand,  and  then  they  prepared  to  march 
'  towards  our  VefTels,  but  four  or  five  of  our  Men 

*  were  fo  wounded   that   they  were  fain  to  be  car- 
'  ried,  with  the  Armes  of  about  twenty  more  which 

*  took  up  fo  many  of  the  Souldiers,  that  there  was 
'  not  above  forty  [34]  Men  free,  but  at  length  they 
'  hired  feveral  Indians  to  carry  the  wounded  Men, 

*  who  eafed  them  of  that  Burthen,  and  carried  their 
'  wounded  Men  for  them. 

'  And  when  the  Souldiers  had  marched  about  a 
'  Quarter  of  a  Mile,  the  Enemy  come  to  the  Place 
'  where  the  Fort  had  flood,  and  when  they  beheld 

*  the   Runies   thereof,  and   the    Carcaies   of  their 

*  Friends  lye  fome  upon  the  Earth,  others  fcorched 
'  and   fome  almoft  confumed  with  the  Fire,  they 
'  ftamped  and  tore  the  Hair  from  their  Heads,  and 
'  ran  mouting  down  the  Hill  in  their  full  Carreer 

*  and  the  Lofs  they  met  withal  made   them  wary 
'  not  to  come  near. 

'  The  Souldiers  then  meeting  with  a  fmall  Brook 
'  at  the  foot  of  the  Hil  being  very  dry,  fat  down 
'  and  refrefhed  themfelves,  the  Enemy  being  grown 
'  by  this  Time  fo  wary  they  durft  not  come  too 

*  neer,  to  difturb  them. 

'  Then  they  marched  on  towards  Pequot  Har- 
'  hour,  and  meeting  with  feveral  Wigwams  in  the 
'  Way  they  burnt  them ;  the  Enemy  followed 
'  them,  and  fome  lay  in  Ambufh  behind  Rocks  and 
'  Trees,  often  (hooting  at  them,  yet  God  fo  covered 
'  them,  that  not  one  of  them  was  hurt,  and  when 
'  they  came  to  any  Swamp  or  Thicket,  they  made 


'  fome  Shot,  and  cleared  a  PafTage,  and  fome  of  the 
'  Enemy  fell,    which  our    Indians  feeing,    would 

*  give  a  great   Shout    and    then    venture  to  fetch 

*  their  Heads,164  and  thus  they  continued,  till  they 
'  came    within    two    Miles    of  Pequot    Harbour, 
'  where  the  Enemy  gathered  theemfelves  together, 
'  and  left  our  Army ;  they  marched  on  to  the  Top 
'  of  an  Hill  adjoining  to  the  Harbour,  with  their 
'  Colours  flying,  (as  for  their  Drum,  it  was  loft,165 

*  or  at  lead  left  by  their  Drummer  at  the  Place 
'  where  they  kept  their  Randezvouze  the  Night 
'  before)  where  they  faw  our  VefTels  riding  at  An- 
'  chor  to  their  great  Rejoicing,  and  when  they  had 

*  marched  to  the  Water  Side,  there  they  fat  down 
'  in  Quiet. 

'  Capt.  Patrick*^  being  there  arrived  (with  our 
'  Veffels)  with  forty  Men  fent  by  the  Maffacbufetts 
'  Colony  upon  fome  Service  againft  the  Block 
'  Iflanders  or  Pequots,  came  to  the  Shore  in  a 
'  Shallop,  with  fome  of  his  Men,  as  he  laid,  to 

*  refcue  our  Army,  fuppofing  they  had  been  pur- 


104  "The  Indians  that  then  affifted 
'  the  Englifli,  waiting  the  Fall  of 
'  the  Pequets,  (as  the  Dog  watcheth 
'  the  Shot  of  the  Fowler,  to  fetch 
'  the  Prey,)  ftill  fetched  them  their 

Heads."     Vincent,  38. 

105  Mafon  fays  nothing  about  the 
Drum  being  loft.  He  fays  it  was 
left  at  the  Place  of  their  laft  En 
campment.  The  Reafon  it  was  left 
is  obvious.  They  had  no  Ufe  for 
it.  Every  Man  was  wanted  to  wield 
the  Weapons  of  Definition.  "  The 


Reafon  why  the  Englifh  wanted 
Amunition  was,  becaufe  they  had 
left  that  which  they  had  for  ftore, 
with  the  Drum,  at  the  Place  of 
their  Confultation ;  but  found  it 
in  their  Return."  Vincent. 


166  Daniel  Patrick.  He  marched 
by  Land  to  Providence,  and  arrived 
in  the  Neighborhood  of  Mafon  and 
Underbill's  Veflels  juft  in  Time  to 
get  on  board,  and  go  round  in  them 
to  meet  the  viftorious  Forces.  The 
Time  he  marched  is  not  mentioned. 


'  fued,  although  there  did  appear  no  Sign  of  any 

*  fuch  Thing.16? 

*  But  Capt.  Patrick  could  not  be  prevailed  with 
'  by  any  Means  to  venture  himfelf  on  Shore  while 
'  our  wounded  Men  were  carried  on  board,  which 
'  was  troublefome,  not  only  to  our  Souldiers,  but 
'  to  his  own  Men  alfo,  who  manifested  their  dif- 
'  like  of  his  Carriage ;  at  length  our  Men  were 
'  fetched  aboard  our  Veflels,  to  the  great  rejoicing 

*  of  their  Friends,  where  they  did  with  one  Heart 
'  blefs  the  Lord  for  his  Mercy  and  Goodnefs  unto 

*  them. 

[35]  *  I  might  here  relate  a  Conteft  that  fel  out 
'  between  Capt.  Underbill  and  Cap.  Patrick,  about 
'  Capt.  Under  bits  claiming  an  Intereft  in  the  Bark 
'  in  which  Capt.  Patrick  failed,  which  by  the 
'  Mediation  of  Capt.  Mafon  was  iflued,168  and  that 
'  being  the  Place  of  Randezvouze,  where  Veflels 
'  were  expected  from  the  Maffacbufets,  it  was 
'  agreed  that  Capt.  Patrick  mould  there  ride  in 
'  that  Bark,  and  fecure  the  Narraganfet  Indians 
'  until  our  Veffel  could  carry  our  wounded  Men 

*  to  Seybrook,   and  our  Pink  return  to  carry  home 
'  the  Narraganfet  Indians. 

107  Both   Mafon   and   Underbill  feverely  and  juftly  cenfured  for  at- 
feem  to  have  looked   upon  Patrick  tacking  without  the  cooperation  of 
with  Contempt  or  Envy ;  and  fo  Patrick  who  was  clofc  at  hand, 
far  as  can  now  be  perceived,  with 
out  Caufe.     Patrick  feems  to  have  1(iSThe   Particulars    are  in    the 
done  his  Duty  like  a  good  Soldier ;  original  Mafon,  but  being  of  flight 
not  arriving  in  Time  to  be  at  the  Intereft,    hardly    call    for   a   Note, 
taking  of  the  Fort  was  not  his  Fault,  further  than  to  direft  Attention  to 
and   had   the  Attack  refulted  unfa-  the  falfe  Manner  of  dealing  with 
vorably   Mafon   would    have  been  the  Work  of  Mafon  by  the  Copyift. 


C  HI 

'  After  this  Agreement,  Capt.  Underbill  fet  Sail 
'  for  Seybrook  in  our  Bark,  but  before  he  was  out  of 
'  Sight,  Capt.  Patrick  fignified  by  writing  to  Capt. 
'  Mafon  that  he  could  not  attend  that  Service  he 
'  had  ingaged  for  he  muft  with  his  Company  wait 
'  at  Seybrook,  for  fome  VeiTels  he  expected  from  the 
'  Bay,169  advifing  Capt.  Mafon  feeing  he  had  ob- 
'  tained  the  Honour  of  that  Service,  he  would 
'  compleat  it  in  fecuring  the  Narraganfet  Indians, 
'  &c.  Which  indeed  was  a  hard  Tafk  and  difficult ; 
'  for  the  Pink  could  not  entertain  them,  and  to 

*  march    by   Land  was    dangerous,  it   being  near 
'  twenty  Miles,  and  in  the  Enemies  Country,  and 
'their  Numbers  being  fmall ;   for  they  had  fent 
'  home  about  twenty  Men  to  help  ftrengthen  the 
'  Plantations  on  Connecticut,  for  Fear  of  the  Pequods 
'  invading  of  them,   but  at  laft,  feeing  they  were 
'  neceffitated  to  inarch  to  Seybrook  by  Land,  they 
'  went  Amoar  with   the  Indians,  and   began  their 
'  March  ;    Capt.   Patrick  feeing   what   they  were 
'  about,    came    Amoar   alfo    with    his    Men ;  and 
'  although  Capt.  Mafon  told  him  he  did  not  delight 
'  in  his  Company,   yet  he   would   and  did  march 

*  along  with  them. 

*  In  this  March  about  the  Midway  between  that 
'  and  Seybrook,  they  fell  upon  a  People  called  Nian- 
'  ticks,li°  belonging  to  the  Pequots,  who  fled  to  a 

109  The  Force  difpatched  under  to  have  ignored  their  Pequot  Origin, 
Capt.  Ifrael  Stoughton,  which  could  and  become,  by  Intermarriages  with 
not  be  got  ready  until  after  Patrick  the  Narraganfets,  and  having  joined 
had  left,  as  will  be  feen.  them  againft  the  Pequots,  a  Part  of 

them.  See  Book  Inds.,  131.  Nini- 

170  Afterwards  this  Tribe  appear     gret  was  their  Chief. 


'  Swamp  for  Refuge ;  but  when  they  heard  or  faw 

*  this  fmall  Troop   they  fled,  who   purfued  them 
'  awhile   by  their  Tracks   as  long  as  they  kept  to- 
'  gether;  but  the  Day  being  much  fpent,  Sabbath 
'  drawing  on,    and    themfelves  much  fpent  with 
'  their  former  Travel,  and  Service,  they  left  their 
'  Purfuit,     and     marched    on     towards     Stybrook, 
'  and  about    Sun-fet   they   arrived    by   Connetticut 
1  River  fide ;   where  they  were  welcomed  by  Leiut. 
'  Gardner ;  with  many  great  Gunns,  but  were  forced 
'  there  to  take  up  their  Quarters  that  Night.     On 
'  the  Morrow  Morning  they  were  all  fetched  over, 
'  where  they  kept  the  Sabbath,  and  were  nobly  en- 

*  tertained  by  Leivt.  Gardner,   from   whom    they 
'  received  meny  Courtefies. 

'  And  when  they  had  taken  Order  for  the  fafe 
'  Conduct  of  the  Narraganfet  Indians  to  their 
'  Country,  Capt.  Mafon  with  his  Men  returned  to 
'  Connecticut,  the  Place  of  their  abode,  where  they 
'  were  entertained  with  [36]  great  Triumph  and 
'  Rejoycing  and  Praifing  of  God,  for  his  Goodnefs 
'  to  us  in  fucceeding  our  Endeavours,  in  crowning 
'  them  with  Succefs,  and  in  reftoring  our  fmall 
'  Army  with  fo  little  Lofs. 

'  Thus  was  God  feen  in  the  Mount,  crushing 
'  his  proud  Enemies,  and  the  Enemies  of  his  People, 
'  fo  that  they  who  were  ere  while  a  Terror  to  all 

*  that  were  round  about  them,  who  refolved  to  de- 
'  ftroy  all  the  Englifh,  and  to  root  their  very  Name 
'  out  of  this  Country,  were  by  weak  Meanes171  thus 

171 "  Even  feventy  feven — there     OmiJJion  of  the  Tranfcriber.     Why 
"  being  no  more  at  the  Fort." —     fuch  an  Omiffion  ? 


H3 

'  vanquifhed  and  deftroyed,  and  the  Mifchief  they 
'  plotted,  and  the  Violence  they  offered,  was  brought 
'  on  their  own  Heads  in  a  Moment :  for  the  Lord 
'  burnt  them  up  in  the  Fire  of  his  Wrath,  and 
'  dunged  the  Ground  with  their  Flem,  it  was  the 
'  Lords  doing,  and  it  was  marvelous  in  our  Eyes. 
'  It  is  he  that  hath  made  His  Work  wonderful,  and 

*  and  therefore  ought  to  be  remembered. 

*  Suddenly  after  this,    the  whole  Body  of  the 

*  remaining  Pequots  repaired  to  that  Fort  where 

*  Saffacous  the  chief  S'achim  did  refide,  and  charged 
'  him    that    he  was    the  only  Caufe  of   all  their 

*  Troubles  that   befel    them,    and    therefore    they 
'  would    deftroy   both   him   and  his ;   yet  by  the 
'  Entreaty  of  his  Counsellors,  they  fpared  his  Life; 

*  coniulting  what  Courfe  to  take,  concluded  there 
'  was  no  Abiding  any  longer  in  their  Country,  and 

*  fo  refolved  to  fly  into  leveral  Parts.     The  greateft 
'  Body  of  them  went  towards  Manadus,11*  and  in 

*  their  Paflage  over  Connecticut    River,  they  met 
'  with    three   Englimmen  in  a  Shallop  going  for 

*  Seybroak,  and   fought    them,  who  refitted  them 
'  ftoutly,  and  killed  and  wounded  many  of  them, 

*  but  their  Shallop  falling  on  Ground  they  were  all 
«  three  flain.^s 

172  Manbatance,  in  Prince's  Ma-  metjick.  The  three  Men  were  going 

fon.  Manhattan,  where  the  City  in  a  Boat  for  Clay.  One  was  killed, 

of  New  York  is  now.  the  other  two  were  tortured,  but  in 

what  Manner  is  not  known —  pro- 

173 1  have  not  been  fortunate  bably  by  burning  them  to  Death  in 

enough  to  meet  with  the  Names  of  a  flow  Fire.  See  R.  Williams  in 

thefe  Sufferers.  One  of  the  Pequot  Mafs.  Hijlorical  Collections,  36, 

Murderers  of  them  was  named  Pa-  230-1. 


[   144  ] 

'  About  a  Fortnight  after  our  Souldiers  were 
returned  Home  from  Miftick  Fight,  we  heard  of 
the  Arrival  of  feveral  Veflels  from  the  Maffachu- 
fetts  Colony  in  Pequot  River ;  Capt.  IJrael  Stougb- 
ton  being  Commander  in  chief,  and  with  him 
about  1 20  Men,  who  were  fent  by  that  Colony 
to  proiecute  the  War  againft  the  Pequots  ;  and 
although  the  main  Body  of  the  Pequots  were  fled, 
yet  fome  Straglers  remained  in  that  Country, 
fome  of  whom  were  difcovered  by  the  Moheags, 
and  by  them  difcovered  to  the  MafTachufetts 
Forces,  by  whom  they  were  both  furprifed  and 
taken,  and  feveral  of  which,  to  the  Number  of 
about  twenty  three,  were  put  to  Death ;  the  Reft 
were  fent  to  the  Bay.174 

'  The  Colony  of  Connecticut  hereupon  fent  forth 
Capt.  Mafon  again  with  forty  Men,  as  alfo  feveral 
Gentlemen,  (as  the  Honour'd  John  Haines  and 


174  For  an  Account  of  the  Opera 
tions  of  the  Maflachufetts  Troops  we 
rnuft  recur  to  Hubbard.    The  above 
Paragraph  is  far  more  comprehend  ve 
thanthecorrefpondingone  in  Mafon, 
and  Hubbard  has  Fafts  not  in  either. 
His  Paragraph  runs  thus :    "  It  was 
not  long  after  Capt.  Stoughton's 
Soldiers   came  up,    before  News 
was  brought  of  a  great  Number 
of  the  Enemy,   that  were  difcov 
ered  by  the  Side  of  a  River  up 
the  Country,   being  firft  trepan 
ned  by  the  Narhaganfets,  under 
Pretence    of  fecuring  them,  but 
they  were    truly  hemmed  in  by 
them,  though  at  a  Diftance,   yet 
fo  as  they  could  not  or  durft  not 
ftir  from    the   Place,    by  which 


Means  our  Forces  of  the  Maffa- 
chufets  had  an  eafie  Conqueft  of 
fome  hundreds  of  them,  who  were 
there  couped  up  as  in  a  Pound  ; 
not  daring  to  fight,  not  able  to  fly 
away,  and  fo  were  all  taken  with 
out  any  Oppofition :  the  Men 
among  them  to  the  Number  of 
thirty  were  turned  prefently  into 
Charrons  Ferry  boat,  under  the 
Command  of  Skipper  Gallop, 
who  difpatched  them  a  little  with 
out  of  the  Harbour ;  the  Females 
and  Children  were  difpofed  of 
according  to  the  Will  of  the  Con 
querors,  fome  being  given  to  the 
Narhaganfets  and  other  Indians 
that  aflifted  in  the  Service." — 
Narrative,  127. 


C  '45  ] 

'  Roger  Ludlow,  Efqrs.)  to  meet  with  thofe  of  the 
'  Majfacbufets  to  confult  and  determine  what  was 
'  farther  neceflary  to  be  attended.  Who  meeting 
'  with  thofe  of  the  Maffachufets  in  the  Pequot 
'  Harbour  [37]  after  Confultation,  concluded  to 
'  purfue  the  Pequots  (who  as  you  heard  before 
'  were  fled  towards  the  Menados]  and  fo  began 
'  their  March  after  them,  and  difcovered  feveral 

*  Places  where  they  had  rendevowed  and  lodged 
'  not  far  diftant  one  from  the  other,  for  they  could 
'  make  but  little  Hafte,  by  Reafon  of  their  ancient 
'  People  and  Children,  and  their  Want  of  Provi- 
'  fion,  being  forced  to  gather  Clams,  and  fuch  other 
'  Things  as  the  Wildernefs  afforded  for  their  Relief. 

'  The  Veffels  sailed  along  by  the  Shore.     In  the 
'  March  fome  were  gleaned,  but  within  the  Space 

*  of  three  Dayes,  or  thereabouts,  they  arrived  at  a 
'  Place   then  called  ^uinipiag  (now  New  Haven) 
'  and  there  efpying  a  great  Smoke  in  the  Woods, 
'  not  far  diftant,  fuppofing  the  Pequots  might  be 
'  there,  they   went    to    difcover    them ;    but    they 
'  quickly  difcovered  them  to  be  Connecticut  Indi- 
'  ans.     From    them    they    fent  a  Pequot    Captive 
'  (whom  they  named  Luz)  upon   Difcovery,  who 
'  brought    them    Tidings   of  the    Enemy    which 
'  proved  real. 

*  The  Pequots  were  fo  terrified  in  their  Flight, 

*  that  a  Moheag  Indian  (named  Jack  Eaton)  meet- 
'  ing  in  this  Perfuit  with  three  Pequots,  took  two 
'  of  them  and  brought  them  to  the  Englifh. 

'  But  to  return,  they  having  Tidings  where  the 
T 


'  Pequots  were,  haftried  towards  the  Place  where 
'  they  heard  they  were,  and  at  laft  coming  into  a 
'  Corn  Field,  feveral  of  the  Englim  efpyed  fome 
'  Indians,  who  fled  from  them.  They  purfued 
'  them,  and  coming  to  the  top  of  an  Hill,  faw 
'  feveral  Wigwams  juft  oppofite,  only  a  Swamp 

*  intervening,  which  was  almoft  divided    in    two 
'  Parts.      One  Serjeant  Palmor  ha  fining  with  about 
'  twelve  Men   (who  were   then    under  his   Com- 
'  mand)  to  furround  the  fmaller  Part  of  the  Swamp, 

*  that    fo    he    might    prevent    the    Indians  flying. 
'  But  Lieut.  Davenport,  Serjeant  yefferyes  &c.  going 
'  up  to  the   Wigwams  were  there  aflaulted  by  the 
'  Indians.     In  this  Skirmim  the  Englim  flew  but 
'  few,  two  or  three  of  themfelves  were  wounded, 
'  the  Reft  of  their  Army  coming  up,  the  Swamp 
'  was  iurrounded.175 

*  Their  Council  being  called,  the  Queftion  was 
'  propounded  how  they  mould  proceed  ?  Capt. 
'  Patrick  advifed  that  they  mould  cut  down  the 
'  Swamp,  (they  having  taken  many  Indian  Hatch- 
'  ets.)  Others  propounded  to  hedge  in  the  Swamp, 
'  which  others  judged  would  be  to  no  Purpoie, 
'  and  therefore  ftrongly  oppofed  it.  Some  other 
'  advifed  to  Force  the  Swamp,  having  Time  enough 


175  The  Pequots  "  flying  into  a 
'  very  thick  Swamp,  being  unac- 
'  ceffible,  by  Reafon  of  the  boggy 
'  Holes  of  Water,  and  thick  Bufhes; 
'  the  Englim  drawing  up  their 
'  Company  belagered  the  Swamp, 
'  and  the  Indians  in  the  mean  Time 


'  fkulking    up    and    down,   and  as     Page  115. 


'  they  faw  Opportunity  they  made 

'  Shot   with    their  Arrows  at  the 

1  Englim,  and  then  fuddainly  they 

'  would  fall  flat  along  in  the  Water 

to  defend  themfelves  from  the  re- 

talliation  of  the  Souldiers  Muf- 

'  kets."  Wond.  Work.  Providences, 


[   H7  ] 

(it  being  about  three  a  Clock  in  the  Afternoon), 
but  that  being  oppofed,  it  was  then  proupounded 
that  the  Men  mould  be  drawn  up  cloie  to  the 
Swamp,  which  would  have  leihed  the  Circum 
ference,  and  then  to  fill  up  the  open  Paflages  with 
Bumes,  that  fo  they  might  fecure  them  till  the 
Morning,  and  then  confider  farther  about  it.  But 
neither  of  thefe  would  pafs,  fo  different  [38]  were 
their  Apprehenfions,  which  was  very  griveous  to 
fome,  who  concluded  that  the  Indians  would 
make  an  Efcape  in  the  Night,  as  eafily  they  might, 
and  did,  the  Swamp  being  large  and  their  Num 
bers  being  fo  fmall  that  they  were  forced  to  ftand 
at  a  great  Diftance  one  from  another,  which 
made  their  Efcape  more  eafle. 
'  Capt.  Mafon  took  Order  that  the  narrow  Paf- 
fage  in  the  Swamp  mould  be  cut  through,  which 
mould  much  (horten  the  League,  which  was  ac 
cordingly  attended  and  refolutely  performed  by 
Serjeant  Davis  and  fome  others  with  him.176 


17GJohnfon    fays    the    Decifion 

upon  a  Plan   of  Dealing    with   the 

enfwamped   Indians  was  arrived  at 

by    the    following    Circumftance : 

"  Some    of  the  Englifh  fpyed   an 

Indian  with  a  Kettle  at  his  Back 

going  more    inwardly     into    the 

Swamp,  by  which  they  perceived 

there  was    fome    Place    of  firm 

'  Land  in  the  midft  thereof,  which 

'  caufed  them  to  make  Way  for  the 

'  Paflage  of  their  Souldiers  which 

'  brought  this  Warre  to  a  Period." 

Wond.  Work.  Prov.  ;  ibid.   P.  1 16. 

In  the  Purfuit  of  the  Enemy  the 


following  remarkable  Feat,  accord 
ing  to  Johnfon,  occurred  :  "  As  the 
'  Souldiers  were  upon  their  March, 
'  clofe  by  a  great  Thicket,   where 
'  no    Eye    could    penetrate    farre, 
'  fome  Souldiers  lingering  behinde 
'  their  Fellowes,  two  Indians  watch- 
'  ing  their  Opportunity,  when  they 
'  fuppofed  the  laft  Man  was  come 
up,  who    kept  a  double,  double, 
double  Diftance   in   his    March, 
they  fudden  and  fwiftly  fnatched 
him  up,  hoifmg  him  upon  their 
Shoulders,  ran  into  the   Swamp 
with  him.     The  Souldier  ftrove 


'  Mr.  Thomas  Stanfon*77  a  Man  well  acquainted 
with  the  Indians  Language  and  Manners,  per 
ceiving  the  Counfell  of  War  loth  to  deftroy  Wo 
men  and  Children,  (as  alfo  the  Indians  of  that 
Place)  freely  offered  his  Service  to  go  into  the 
Swamp  and  treat  with  them,  which  the  Councel 
were  iomewhat  backward  to,  by  Reaion  of  fome 
Hazard  he  might  be  expoled  to,  but  his  Impor 
tunity  prevailed,  who  going  to  them  did  in  a 
mort  Time  come  to  the  Councel  with  near  200 
old  Men,  Women  and  Children,  who  delivered 


:  to  free  himlelf ;  but  like  a  care- 
;  full  Commander,  one  Captaine 
Davenport,  then  Lieutenant  of 
this  Company,  being  diligent  in 
his  Place  to  bring  up  the  Reare, 
coming  up  with  them,  followed 
with  Speed  into  the  Swamp  after 
him,  having  a  very  fevere  Cutlace 
tyed  to  his  Wrift,  and  being  well 
able  to  make  it  Bite  fore  when  he 
fet  it  on,  refolving  to  make  it  fall 
foul  on  the  Indians  Bones,  he 
foone  overtook  them,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  Buckler  they 
held  up  from  hitting  them,  which 
was  the  Man  they  had  taken:  It 
was  Matter  of  much  Wonder  to 
fee  with  what  Dexterity  they 
hurled  the  poore  Souldier  about, 
as  if  they  had  been  handling  a 
Lacedaemonian  Shield ;  fo  that  the 
nimble  Captaine  Davenport  could 
not,  of  a  long  Time,  faften  one 
Stroke  upon  them ;  yet  at  laft 
they  caft  downe  their  Prey,  and 
halted  through  the  Thickets  for 
their  Lives.  The  Souldier  thus 
redeemed,  had  no  fuch  hard 


"  Ufage,  but  that  he  is  alive,  as  I 

"fuppofe,  at  this  very  Day."  [1654.] 

Wond.  Work,  Prov.,  116.  See  alfo 

Hubbard,   129,  who  fays  "Lieut. 

'  Davenport  was    forely  wounded 

'  in  the  Body,  John  Wedgwood  of 

*  Ipfwich   in    the    Belly,  was  laid 

'  hold  on  alfo  by  fome  of  the  In- 

'  dians."     He   was    probably  the 

Buckler  above  mentioned  by  John- 

fon.     At  the  fame  Time  Thomas 

Sherman,    alfo    of    Ipfwich,     was 

wounded.     "  Others  were  in  much 

'  Hazard  of  being  fwallowed  by 

'  the  miery  Bogs   of  the  Swamp, 

'  wherein  they  lluck  fo  faft,  that  if 

'  Serjeant  Riggs  of  Roxbury  had 

'  not  refcued  two  or  three  of  them, 

'  they  had  fallen  into  the  Hands 

'  of  the  Enemy."     Ibid. 

177  We  firft  hear  of  this  import 
ant  Perfonage  by  Lieut.  Gardiner. 
He  came  to  Saybrook  in  1636,  as 
an  Interpreter;  is  probably  the 
Thomas  Stanton  who  failed  from 
England  for  Virginia  the  Year  be 
fore.  How  he  baca'me  Mafter  of 


[  14-9  ] 

'  themfelves  to  the  Mercy  of  the  Englifh,  moft  of 
'  which  brought  their  fmall  Prefent  with  them,  and 
'  laid  it  down  before  the  Councell.  Now  Night 
'  drawing  on,  they  did  beleaguer  the  Swamp  as 
'  ftrongly  as  they  could. 

'  But  above  Halfe  an  Hour   before  Day  the  In- 

*  dians  that  were  in  the  Swamp,  attempted  to  break 
'  through  Capt.  Patricks  Quarters,  but  were  beaten 
'  back  feveral  Times.     They  made  a  great  Noife, 

*  as  their  Manner  is  at  fuch  Times,  which  founded 
'  round  about  the  Leaguer;  Capt.  Mafon  fent  Serjeant 
'  Stares17*  to  affift  thofe  againft  whom  the  Pequots 
'  preflcd  to  come  out  by,  at  which  Time  alfo  Capt. 
'  Trajk  came  in  to  their  Affiftance,  but  the  Tumult 
'  encreafing,  the  Siege  was  raifed,  and  they  marching 
'  up  to  a  Place  at  a  Turning  of  the  Swamp,  the 
'  Indians  were   forcing  out   upon   them,   but  they 

the  Indian  Language  does  not  ap-  "  himfelf  confeft  to  me  at  my 
pear.  He  fettled  in  Stonington,  and  "  Howfe."  Ibid,  208.  Wequaf- 
died  in  1678,  leaving  a  Wife  and  chuck  had  married  the  Mother  of 
fome  nine  Children.  In  all  Troubles  Safacous.  Genealogical  Matters 
and  Controverfies  between  the  Eng-  among  Indians  muft  have  been  very 
lifh  and  Indians  Mr.  Stanton  was  uncertain.  Numerous  are  the  De- 
depended  upon  to  interpret  between  fcendants  of  Thomas  Stanton  at  this 
them,  yet  at  one  Time  the  Indians  Day.  Mifs  Caulkins  has  laid  them 
greatly  diftrufted  him  ;  believing  under  many  Objigations  in  this  Be- 
that  he  interpreted  againft  them.  half.  See  her  invaluable  Hi/lory  of 
He  was  faid  to  have  been  "  groflly  New  London,  296,  and  elfewhere. 
"  deluded "  by  the  wily  Wequaf-  Hubbard  fays  "  he  was  an  exadt 
chuck,  "  the  Man  (to  my  Know-  "  Interpreter." 
"  ledge)  that  flickered  Audfah,  the 

"  Murtherer  of  Mr.  Oldham."   R.          *"«  Perhaps  a  Mifprint,  as  I  do 

Williams  in  Mafs.  Hi/I.  Colls.,  36,  not  find  the  Name  of  Stares  in  any 

208,    216,    234,    246.     Williams  of  our  Records ;  yet  Prince  has  the 

alfo  fays  that  Stanton  was  "  groflly  fame    Spelling    in    his    Edition    of 

"  coufend  and  deluded  by  Wequaf-  Mafon.  Savage  does  not  include  him 

"  chuck,  a  Nayantaquit  Sachim,  as  in  his  great  Dictionary. 


[  '50  ] 

'  fired  upon  them,  and  fent  them  back  by  their 
'  fmall  Shot.  Then  they  waited  a  little  for  their 
'  fecond  Attempt,  but  the  Indians  facing  about, 
'  and  preffing  violently  upon  Capt.  Patricks  Quar- 
'  ters,  brake  through,  and  To  efcaped  about  feventy 
'  of  them,  as  the  Indians  informed  ;  the  Swamp  was 
'  fearched;  there  were  but  few  found  flain.  The 
'  Captives  that  were  taken  were  about  an  hundred 
'  and  eighty,  which  were  divided  between  the  two 
'  Colonyes,  and  they  intended  to  keep  them  as  Ser- 
'  vants,  but  they  could  not  endure  the  Yoke,  for 

*  few   of  them   continued  any  conilderable  Time 
'  with  their  Mailers.17* 

*  Thus  did  the  Lord   fcatter  his   Enemyes  with 
'  his  ftrong  Arm. 

'  The  Pequots  now  become  a  Prey  to  all  Indians  : 
'  happy  were  they  [39]  that  could  bring  in  their 
'  Heads  to  the  Englifh,  of  which  there  came  almofl 
'  dayly  to  Windfor  or  Hartford ;  but  the  Pequots 
'  growing  weary  hereof,  fent  fome  of  the  Chief 
'  that  furvived  to  mediate  with  the  Englifh,  offer- 
'  ing  that  if  they  might  but  enjoy  their  Lives,  they 
'  would  become  the  Englifh  VafTals,  to  difpofe  of 
'  them  as  they  pleafed. 

*  Whereupon    Uncas  and  Miantonimo  were  fent 
'  for,  who  with  the  Pequots  met  at  Hartford',  the 

*  Pequots    being    demanded,  how    many   of  them 
'  were  then  living,  they  anfwered  about  an  hundred 
4  and    eighty   or  two  hundred ;  Then   were  there 
'  granted  to   Uncas  Sachim  of  Mobeag  eighty,  and 

179  Hubbard  fays  the  Swamp  was     Fairfield   or  Stratford  now  Hands. 
a  hideous  one  near  the  Place  where     Indian  Wars,  \  29. 


'  to  Miantonimo  Sachim  of  Narraganfet  eighty,  and 
'  to  Ninnicraft  twenty  Men,  when  he  fhould  fatisfy 
'  for  a  Mare  of  Elwood  Pomeryes,  killed  by  fome  of 
'  his  Men  ;  The  Pequots  like  wife  were  by  Cove- 
f  nant  bound,  that  they  fhould  no  more  inhabit 
'  their  native  Countrey;  nor  fhould  any  of  them  be 
'  called  Pequots  but  Moheags  and  Narraganfets  for 

*  ever;   Shortly  after  about  forty  of  them  went  to 
'  Moheag,  others  went  to  Long  Illand,  others  fet- 
'  tied  at  Pawcatuck,  a  Place  in  the  Pequot  Country, 
'  contrary  to  their  Covenant  and  Agreement  with 
'  the  Englifh  fo  lately  made,  which  Connecticut  ta- 
'  king  into  Confideration,  and  well  weighing  the 
'  Inconveniences  that  might  enfue ;  for  the  Preven- 
'  tion  whereof,  they  Cent  forth  forty  Men   under 

*  the  Command  of  Capt.  Mafon,  to  fupplant  them 
4  by  burning  their  Wigwams,  and  bringing  away 
'  their  Corn,  except  they  would  defert  the  Place : 

*  Uncas  with  about  one  hundred  of  his  Men    in 

*  twenty  Cannoes  alfo  went  to  affift  them  in  the 
'  Service ;  as  they  failed  into   Pawcatuck  Bay,  they 
'  met  with    three    of  thofe    Indians    whom    they 
'  fent  to  inform  the  Reft  with  the  End  of  their 
'  coming,  and  alfo  to  tell  them  that  they  deiired  to 
'  fpeak  with  them  or  fome  of  them,  they  promifed 
'  to  do  the  Meflage,  and  fpeedily  to  return ;  but 

*  they  forgot  to  keep  their  Word  for  they  came 
<  not. 

'  Then  they  went  up  into  the  River  in  their  Vef- 
'  fel,  but  by  Reafon  of  Flats  were  forced  to  land 
«  on  the  weft  Side  of  the  River,  their  Wigwams 
'  being  on  the  eaft  Side,  juft  oppoiite;  where  they 


'  faw  the  Indians  running  up  and  down,  jefting  at 
'  them. 

*  Then  they  landed,  and  went  up  into  a  narrow 
'  Place  in  the  River  between  two  Rocks,  where 
'  they  drew  up  the  Indian  Cannooes,  and  got  fud- 
'  denly  over  the  River,  fooner  than  they  were 
'  expected,  and  marched  up  to  the  Wigwams,  where 
'  the  Indians  were  all  fled,  except  fome  old  People 
'  that  could  not. 

'  They  were  fo  fuddenly  upon  them,  that  they 
'  had  not  Time  to  convey  away  their  Goods. 
'  There  was  plenty  of  Corn,  it  being  the  Time  of 
'  Harveft,  [40]  and  when  they  had  viewed  it,  they 
'  were  paffing  to  the  Water  fide  to  the  Pinnance, 
'  Half  of  Uncas  his  Men  being  with  them,  the  reft 
'  were  plundering  the  Wigwams  ;  and  as  they  were 
'  marching  they  loked  behind  them,  and  faw 
'  about  fixty  Indians  running  towards  them,  untill 
'  they  came  within  forty  Paces  of  the  Indians,  then 

*  they   ran  and  met  them,   and  fell  on  pell  mell, 
'  ftriking  and  cutting  with  Bowes  and  Hatchets 
'  and  Knives,  &c.,  after  their  feeble  Manner.     In- 
'  deed  it  did  not  deferve  the  Name  of  Fighting. 

*  They  then   endeavoured  to  get   between    the  In- 
'  dians  and  the  Woods,  that  fo  they  might  prevent 
'  their   flying,    which  the   Indians   perceived  and 
'  endeavoured  fpeedily  to  get  away  under  the  Beach, 
'  but  our  Men  made  no  Shot  at  them,  but  they  laid 
'  hold  on  about  feven   of  them,   who  were  Ninni- 
'  crafts  Men,  who  grew  very  outragious  ;  the  Cap- 
'  tain  told  them  if  they  were  not  quiet  they  mould 
'  be  made   fhorter  by  the  Head ;  and  when   they 


'  were  going  to  put  it  into  Execution,  Of  aft  Sachim 
'  of  Narraganfet,  and  Brother  to  Miantonimo,  ftep- 
(  ped  forth  to  Capt.  Mafon,  and  told  him,  thofe  Men 

*  whom  he  was  going  to  execute  were  his  Brothers 
'  Men,  who  was  a  Friend  to  the  Englifh,  and  if 
'  their  Lives  might  be  fpared,  he  would  engage  to 
'  deliver  fo  many  MurthereTs  Heads  in  lieu  of  them 
'  to  the  Englim  ;  The  Captain  granted  his  Defire, 

*  and  the  Men  were  delivered  to  Uncas  to  be  fecured 
'  till  Otafli  his  Engagement  was  performed. 

'  Then   they  drew  up  their  Bark  into  a  Creek 

*  the  better  to  defend  her,  there  being  fome  hun- 

*  dreds  of  Indians  within  five  Miles,  waiting  their 
'  Motion. 

'  But  there  they  quartered  that  Night.     In  the 

*  Morning  as  foon  as  it  was  Light,  there  appeared 

*  in  Arms  at  leaft  three  hundred  Indians  on  the  other 
'  Side   the  Creek,  upon  which  the  Captain  com- 

*  manded  his  Men  to  ftand  to  their  Armes,  which 

*  the  Indians  perceiving,  fome  of  them  fled,  others 

*  crept   behind   the    Rocks   and  Trees,  not  one  of 
'  them  were  to  be  feen. 

'  They  then  called  to  them,  faying,  they  defired 

*  to   fpeak  with   them,   and  that  they  would   lay 
'  down  their  Armes  for  that  End,  whereupon  they 
'  flood  up  :     The  Captain  told  them  that  the.Pe- 

*  quots  had  violated  their  Promife  and  Covenant] 

*  with  the  Englim,  in  that  they  were  not  tKe"re  to/ 

*  inhabit,  and  that  he  was  lent  to  fupplant  them; 

*  the  Indians  anfwered,  the  Pequots  were  good  Men, 

*  their  Friends,  and  they  would  fight  for  them  and 
'  protect  them  ;  which  Words  moved  the  Captain, 

U 


[  '54-  ] 

'  who  told  them  it  was  not  far  to  the  Head  of  the 
'  Creek,  where  he  would  meet  them,  and  then  they 
'  might  try  what  they  could  do  ;  [41  ]  The  Indians 
'  replied,  they  would  not  fight  with  Englt/hmen,  for 
'  they  were  Spirits  ;l8°  but  they  would  fight  with  Un- 
'  cas.  The  Captain  told  them  that  he  thought  it  was 
'  too  early  for  them  to  fight;  but  they  might  take 
'  their  Opportunity  and  fight  when' they  faw  Caufe, 
'  for  they  mould  be  burning  their  Wigwams, 
'  and  carrying  their  Corn  aboard  all  that  Day,  and 
'  prefently  caufed  the  Drum  to  be  beat  up,  and 
'  fired  their  Wigwams  in  their  View.  But  as  they 
'  marched  along,  there  flood  two  Indians  upon  an 
'  Hill  jeering  and  reviling  of  them ;  Mr.  Stanton 
'  the  Interpreter  marching  at  Liberty,  defired  leave 
'  of  the  Captain  to  make  a  Shot  at  them  ;  the 
'  Captain  demanded  of  the  Indians,  who  they  were  ; 
'  they  anfwered  that  they  were  Murtherers ;  the 

*  Captain  then  gave  Mr.  Stanton  leave  to  make  a 
'  Shot  at  them,  who  did  fo,  and  mot  one  of  them 
'  through  both  his  Thighs,  which  was  to  the  Won- 
'  derment  both  of  Englim  and  Indians,  it  being  at 

*  fuch  a  vaft  Diftance. 

'  They  then  proceeded  and  loaded  their  Bark 

*  with  Indian  Corn,  and  their  Canooes,  about  thirty 
'  of  them,  with  Indian  Trayes,  Kettles,  Mats,  and 

*  other    Luggage,   and  then   went  on  Board,   and 
'  made  homeward,  and  it  pleaied  God  to  profper 
'  them,  fo  that  in  a  fhort  Time  they  all  arrived  in 
'  Safety  at  the  Place  of  their  abode ;  though  they 

180  It  would  have  been  gratifying     of  Spirits  the  Indians  thought  them 
if  the  Writer  had  told  us  what  Kind    to  be. 


'  were  in  Hazard  by  the  VefTels  ftriking  upon  a 
'  Rock,  and  {ticking  thereon  a  while  in  their  Re- 
'  turn,  yet  the  Lord  bore  them  in  his  own  Armes, 
'  and  preferved  them  from  Danger. 

*  Thus  we  may  fee  how  the  Face  of  God  is  fet 
'  againft  them   that  do  Evil,  to  cut  off  their  Re- 
'  membrance  from  the  Earth.181 

'  Our  Tongues  therefore  mail  talk  of  his  Right- 

*  eoufnefs  all  the  Day  long,  for  they  are  confounded, 
'  they  are  brought  to  Shame  that  fought  our  Hurt, 
'  BleJJed  be  the  Lord  God  of  Ifrael,  who  only  doth 
'  wondrous  Things,   and  BleJJed  be  his  holy  Name 
'forever,  Let  the  whole    Earth  be  filled  with  his 
'  Glory ;  for  the   Lord  was    pleafed  to  fmite   our 
'  Enemyes  in  the  hinder  Parts,  and  to  give  us  their 
'  Land  for  an  Inheritance,  who  remembered  us  in 
'  our  low  Eftate,  and  redeemed  us  out  of  our  Ene- 
'  myes  Hands ;  Let  us  therefore  praife  the  Lord 
'  for  his  Goodnefs,   and  wonderful  Works  to  the 
'  Children  of  Men. 

'  Upon  the  whole  it  may  not  be  amifs  to  gather 

*  out  fome   Specialtyes  of  Providence,   that  fo  the 

*  Goodnefs  of  God  may  be  taken  notice  of,  and  our 

*  Hearts  enlarged  in  the  Praife  and  Service  of  that 
'  God  who  hath  wrought  fo  wonderfully  for  our 

'  Fathers  and  for  us.  J 

*  Thofe  who  were  employed  in  this  Service  were 
'  not  many,  their  Commons  were  very  mort,  there 
'  being   then  a  general    Scarcity  throughout    this 
'  Colony  of  all  Sorts  of  Provifion,  it  being  upon  our 

181  Our  Fathers  were  never  at  a     which  they  fancied  met  each  par- 
Lofs  for  apt  Scriptural  Quotations     ticular  Cafe. 


[  '56  ] 

'  very  [42]  Beginings  on  the  Place,  they  had  but 
'  little  Refreshment  with  them  in  their  long  March 
'  from  Narraganfet  to  Pequot ;  but  one  Pint  of 
'  Liquor  which  was  moderately  dealt  out  to  fuch 
'  as  fainted  in  the  Way,  by  Reafon  of  the  Extremity 
'  of  the  Heat  and  fore  Travel :  after  the  Liquor 
'  was  fpent,  the  very  fmelling  to  the  Bottle  was 
'  effectual  to  the  reviving  of  the  fainting  Souldiers. 
'  They  walked  in  an  unknown  Path,  yet  God 
'  guided  them  in  the  Way  they  Jhould  goe,  though 
'  they  knew  not  where  the  Forts  were,  nor  how  far  it 
'  was  to  them,  nor  how  far  the  Way  that  led  to  them 

*  otherwife  than  what  they  had  from  their  Indian 
'  Guides,  in  whom  they  durft  not  confide,  and  that 
'  in  their  fo   long  a  March   among  a  treacherous 
'  People,  who  had  feveral  Relations  amongft  our 

*  Enemies,   and  that  in  their  March,  and  Allodge- 
'  ment   in  the  Enemies   Country  which  was  very 
'  populous,    they    mould    not    be    difcovered    but 
'  brought  to  their   Enemies   in  the  fitteft   Seafon, 
'  when  none  of  them  then  ufually  were  together,  and 
'  that  they  mould  be  fo  fucceeded  in  their  Delign, 
'  (as  you  have  heard)  is  Matter  of  Wonderment. 

'  What  mall  I  fay  ?  God  was  pleafed  to  hide 
'  them  in  the  Hollow  of  his  Hand.  It  was  a  fay- 
'  ing  of  Mr.  Hooker,  that  Man  of  God,  in  his 
'Encouragements  to  the  Souldiers,  as  they  were 
'  going  forth  to  thofe  Ingagements,  that  the  Pequots 
'  mould  be  Bread  for  them ;  and  the  Lord  made 
'  good  his  Sayings. 

'  It  may  not  be  amifs  here  alfo  to  remember  Mr. 


'  Stone1**  (the  famous  Teacher  of  the  Church  of 
'  Hartford)  who  was  fent  to  preach  and  pray  with 
'  thofe  who  went  out  in  thofe  Engagements  againft 

*  the   Pequots ;  He    lent    his    beft    Affiftance    and 

*  Counfel  in  the  Management  of  thofe  Defigns,  and 

*  the  Night  in  which  the  Engagement  was,  (in  the 
'  Morning  of  it)  I  fay  that  Night  he  was  with  the 
'  Lord  alone,  wreftling   with  Him  by  Faith  and 
'  Prayer;  and   furely   his   Prayers   prevailed  for  a 
'  Blefling ;  and  in  the  very  Time  when  our  Ifrael 
'  were  ingaging  with  the  bloud-thirfty  Pequots,  he 
'  was  in  the  Top  of  the  Mount,  and  fo  held  up  his 
'  Hand,  that  Ifrael  prevailed. 

'  In  thofe   Ingagements  fome  Men   had  fpecial 
'  Deliverances.     There  were  two  Men,  being  one 

*  Mans  Servants,  who  were  both  mot  in  the  Knots 
'  of  their  Neck-cloathes  about  their  Necks,  and 
'  received    no    Hurt.l83    Alfo    Lieut.  Siefy,1**.  was 
'  mot  in  the   Eyebrow  with  a  flat  headed  Arrow, 

*  the  Point  turning  downward,  the  Captain  himfelf 
'  pulled  the  Arrow  out.     Lieut.  Bu//lBs  was  alfo 
'  mot  in  the  Back  with  an  Arrow,  which  met  with 

182  Rev.  Samuel  Stone.  He  came     previous  Note, 
to  Bofton  in  1633,    and  refided  at 

Cambridge  till  1636,  when  he  went         184  Lieut.  Robert  Sieley,   Sealy, 

to  Hartford   and  fettled,   and  died  Seeley,    or    Seely.      According    to 

there    20  July,   1663.     He  was  a  Savage,  Capt.  Nafbaniet-Seeley,  Son 

Native  of  Hartford  in  England,  and  of  this    Gentleman,   was   killed  in 

Hartford   in    Connecticut   was   fo  Philip's   War   in   the   Narraganfet 

named  on  that  Account  (in  1637).  Fort  Fight. 
Trumbull,  i,  77. 

185  Lieut.  Thomas  Bull,   before 

183  Perhaps  this  refers  to  Wedge-  mentioned.  He  came  to  N.  England 
wood  and  Sherman,  mentioned  in  a  in  1635,  at  me  Age  °f  25- 


[  '58  ] 

c  an  hard  Piece  of  Cheefe  and  went  no  further, 
'  which  may  verify  the  old  Saying  a  little  Armour 
'  would  ferve  if  a  Man  knew  where  to  place  it. 

'  Thus  the  Lord  did  great  Things  for  his  People 
'  among  the  Heathen  whereof  we  are  glad,  Praife 

*  ye  the  Lord, 

[43]  *  The  Year  following,  the  Colony  of  Con - 
'  necticut  being  in  great  Want  of  Provifion,  Indian 
'  Corn  being  at  twelve  Shillings  the  Bufhel.  The 
'  Court  of  Connecticut  imployed  Capt.  Mafon  and 
'  Mr.  William  Wadfworth,  and  Deacon  Edward 

*  Stebbingy  to  make  a  Trial  what  Providence  would 
'  afford  for  their  Relief,  in  this  great  Streight ;  who 

*  notwithftanding  fome  Difcouragements  they  met 
'  with   fome  Englifh,  went  to  a  Place  called  Pa 

*  comptuck^  where  they  procured  fo  much  Corn  at 
'  reaibnable  Rates,  that  the  Indians  brought  down 
'  to  Hartford  and  Wind/or  fifty  Cannoes  laden  with 
'  Corn  at  one  Time,  never  was  the  like  known  to 
'  this  Day,  fo  that  although  the  Lord  was  pleafed 
'  to  (hew  his  People  hard  Things  in   their  Begin- 
'  engs,    yet    did    he    execute    Judgment    for   the 
'  Opprefled,  and  gave  Food  to  the  Hungry,  afford- 
'  ing  them 'his  continued  Protection  and  Bleffing, 
'  in  the  bountifull  Supply  of  the  good  Things  of 
4  this  Life,  with  the  Continuance  of  his  Gofpel  and 

*  Ordinances,    and   a   plentifull  Increafe   of    their 
'  Number,  from  four  Plantations  which  was  then 
'  the  alone  Number  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut ; 
'  to  twenty  four  Towns,1^  which    is    the   prefent 

186  Or  Pecomptuck,  fince  Deer-         187  It  muft  be  remembered   that 
field.  this  is  what  Mr.  Allyn  fays  and  not 


[  '59  ] 

*  Number  of  Towns  in  this  Colony,  and  from  three 

*  Churches  to  nineteen,  which  is  the  Number  now 
«  fettled  in  this  Colony." 

Thus  fair  is  Mr.  John  Allyn  his  Narrative  of 
the  Pequot  Troubles,  which  I  take  to  be  the  moft 
perfect  Account  thereof  that  is  extant,  or  that  will 
probably  be  now  attained.188  fince  few  of  thofe  that 
were  perfonally  concerned  in  that  War  and  who 
are  fit  to  give  a  Relation  thereof,  are  at  this  Day  in 
the  Land  of  the  Living. 

Neverthelefs  I  have  met  with  a  Manufcript  in 
the  Library  of  a  learned  and  worthy  Perfon  de- 
ceafed,  wherein  the  Paffages  of  the  Pequot  War%  are 
defcribed.  The  Author  of  the  Script  I  know  not, 
nor  can  conjecture,  faving  that  it  was  one  who  had 
a  particular  and  perfonal  Acquaintance  with  thofe 
"Affairs.  It  doth  in  Subftance  agree  with  that  of 
Mr.  John  Allyn:  only  in  fome  Particulars,  a  more 
full  Account  of  Proceedings  is  exprefled.  For  this 
Manufcript  Anonimus  doth  Relate  as  followeth,  viz. 
That  in  Anno  1634.  a  Bark  wherein  was  Capt. 
Stone,  and  Capt.  Norton,  with  fix  Men  befides  go 
ing  up  Connecticut  River  were  all  killed  by  the 
Pequot  Indians,  and  the  Bark  funk  near  a  fteep 
Rock,  which  to  this  Day  bears  the  Name  of  Capt. 

Capt.  Mafon,  for  the  Captain  was  188  This  would  be  a  fingular  Re- 
dead  before  the  Towns  in  Con-  mark  for  a  Hiftorian  to  make  in 
nefticut  had  increafed  to  twenty-  thefe  Days,  although  I  have  heard 
four.  There  appears  to  have  been  within  my  Memory,  a  very  good 
twentj-Jix  Towns  fettled  up  to  and  Writer  of  a  Hiftory  of  one  of  the 
including  1674.  Mafon  died  "  in  important  New  England  States, 
"  1672  or  1673."  Prince.  make  the  fame. 


Stones  Rock.  In  the  Year  following  a  Bark  going 
from  the  Bay,  bound  to  Virgina,  was  by  a  Tempeft 
caft  away  at  Long  Ifland,  certain  Pequots  there 
killed  two  Englifhmen,  the  reft  efcaping. 

[44]  In  Anno  1636.  A  Veflel  going  from  Con 
necticut  towards  the  Bay,  putting  in  at  Block- 
Ifland,  the  Indians  coming  aboard  to  Trade,  killed 
the  Matter.189  Another  Veflel  coming  from  Con 
necticut,  taken  with  a  crofs  Wind,  intended  to  put 
in  at  Narraganfet,  but  could  not  ;  being  therefore 
forced  upon  Block-IJland,  they  faw  a  Bark  with  her 
Sayls  up,  driving  too  and  fro,  they  hailed  her,  but 
no  Anfwer  was  given  ;  perceiving  her  full  of  In 
dians  they  fufpedted  the  Englifh  belonging  to  the 
Veflel  were  murdered,  whereupon  they  difcharged 
their  Guns,  mooting  Bullets  among  the  Indians, 
who,  many  of  them  immediately  leaped  overboard. 
The  Mafter  entered  the  Veflel,  and  lifting  up  a' 
Gloth  faw  an  Englimman  dead,  and  diferning  that 
many  Indians  were  ftill  in  the  Hold,  he  returned 
to  his  own  Veflel  again,  from  thence  pouring  in 
fmall  fhot  upon  the  Indians,  for  a  while,  untill  the 
Wind  coming  fair  ;  he  failed  away  to  Bofton,  inform 
ing  the  Gouvernour  and  Council  there,  concerning 
what  he  had  feen,I9°  whence  about  an  hundred 


iso  T^  nas  Reference  to  the  Rev.  Thomas  Cobbet  of  Ipfwich  ; 

Murder  of  Capt.  John  Oldham,  which  Account  Mr.  Cobbet  fays  he 

(See  N.  E.  Hift.-Gen.  Reg.,  VII,  had  from  the  Mouth  of  Capt.  John 

211),  unlefs  there  was  a  previous  Gallup,  who  was  prefent  when  the 

and  fimilar  Cafe  and  of  which  we  Indians  were  taken  by  his  Father. 

have  no  other  Account.  Gobbet's  Narrative  was  not  printed 

till  1853,  when  it  was  publifhed  in 

100  This  correfponds  with  an  the  N.  Eng.  HiJt.-Gen.  Reg.,  VII, 

Account  furnifhed  the  Author  by  the  209-2  1  9. 


Souldiers  were  forthwith  fent  to  Block- I/land1^1  As 
they  were  landing,  the  Indians  came  down  and 
(hot  violently  at  them,  wounding  one  Man,  but  as 
loon  as  one  Englishman  was  landed,  they  ran  away. 
The  Englifh  purfued  them  two  Dayes,  burning 
their  Corn  and  Wigwams,  but  the  Indians  betook 
themfelves  to  Swamps,  thereby  efcaping  with  their 
Lives.  After  this  they  refolved  for  the  Pequot 
Country,  having  received  fome  Intelligence  of  the 
Infolency  and  Outrage  of  thofe  Indians.  As  they 
were  failing  up  the  River,  many  of  the  Pequots  on 
both  Sides  of  the  River  called  to  them,  defirous  to 
know  what  was  their  End  in  coming  thither,  they 
were  told  that  they  defired  to  fpeak  with  Saffacus, 
one  of  their  Sachims;  the  Indians  faid  he  was  gone 
to  Long  I/land ;  then  it  was  demanded  that  Moma- 


191  The  Expedition  was  under 
Endicott  as  General,  and  confuted 
of  about  100  Men,  which  failed 
from  Bofton  near  the  End  of  Au- 
guft,  1636.  The  other  principal 
Officers  were  Capt.  John  Underhill, 
Capt.  Nathaniel  Turner,  Enfigns 
Jenyfon  and  Davenport.  The  Rev. 
John  Higginfon  of  Salem,  went  as 
Chaplain.  The  Particulars  of  the 
Expedition  may  be  found  in  Capt. 
Underhill's  Hiftory,  Winthrop's 
Journal,  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars, 
120;  but  there  is  no  Lift  of  the 
Soldiers  of  which  I  am  aware.  I 
find  on  the  Colonial  Records  that 
"  George  Munnings  is  granted  five 
"  Pounds  in  regard  of  the  Lofle  of 
"  his  Eye  in  the  Voyage  to  Block 

V 


"  Ifland.''  If  an  important  Mem 
ber  of  the  Body  was  valued  at  £5, 
it  might  be  interefting  to  know  what 
the  whole  was  valued  at  in  thofe 
Days.  But  it  appears  that  Mun 
nings  had  fome  further  Confidera- 
tion  on  Account  of  his  Eye,  though 
what  it  amounted  to  does  not  ap 
pear,  as  it  was  contingent  on  certain 
Fines,  which  might  or  might  not 
have  been  remitted, 

When  Gen.  Endicott  went  to 
chaftife  the  Pequots  they  fent  their 
Women  and  Children  to  the  Mo- 
hegans  who  protected  them.  This 
Miantonimo  aflerted  to  Roger  Wil 
liams  to  mow  that  the  Mohegans 
were  not  real  Friends  to  the  Eng- 
lifh. 


[    '62    ] 

nottuck1^  another  of  their  Sachems  mould  appear. 
It  was  pretended  that  he  was  not  at  Home  neither. 
The  Englim  went  Afhore,  and  required  the  Indians 
to  deliver  up  thofe  that  had  murdered  Capt.  Stone. 
It  was  anfwered  that  they  were  alfo  gone  from 
Home,  but  they  would  fend  after  them,  and  de 
liver  them  to  Juftice,  and  that  they  might  the 
better  keep  the  Englim  in  Parley,  they  faid  that 
their  Sachim  would  prefently  come  and  treat  with 
them.  In  the  mean  Time  they  tranfported  Goods, 
Women  and  Children  to  another  Place. 

At  laft  one  of  the  Indians  declared  plainly,  that 
Momanottuck  would  not  come.  Immediately  a 
Skirmim  followed,  wherein  one  Indian  was  killed, 
and  an  Englishman  was  wounded.  The  Indians 
fled,  the  Englim  purfuing,  fet  Fire  to  their  Wig 
wams,  and  deftroyed  their  Corn,  fo  did  they  return 
to  their  VerTel.  A  few  Days  after  this,  going  on 
Shore  [45  |  again,  as  they  were  loading  themlelves 
with  Corn,  the  Indians  violently  affaulted  them,  fo 
that  they  were  forced  to  leave  their  Corn  and  ftand 
to  their  Arms.  At  this  Time  an  Indian  was  killed, 
and  two  Englimmen  forely  wounded.  The  Indians 
attempted  the  Veflels,  but  were  entertained  with 
fuch  Volleys  of  fmall  Shot,  as  made  them  afraid  to 
board  any,  fo  the  Barks  arrived  fafe  at  Say-brook 
Fort.  The  next  Day  fome  of  the  Fort  going  to 
the  River  to  fetch  Hay,  the  Pequots  privily  came 

I92  Since    ufually   written  Mono-  36,  192,262.     It  was  the  Wife  of 

notto.     Roger   Williams    probably  this  Chief  that   faved  the  Lives  of 

means  the  fame  Indian  by  Mauma-  the    Captives  mentioned   in  Note 

nadtucL     See   Mafs.   Hi/t.   Colls.,  148. 


upon  them  took  one  Man  and  afterward  roafted 
him  alive,  another  mot  with  five  Arrows  lived 
fourteen  Weeks  and  dyed,  the  reft  efcaped  with 
much  Danger.19*  After  this  the  Pequots  came  near 
the  Fort  and  deftroyed  many  of  the  Englim  Cattel. 
About  two  Miles  diftant  from  the  Fort  there  was 
an  Englim  Houfe  wherein  were  Souldiers.  Their 
Commander  charged  them  not  to  go  out  of  doors, 
yet  three  of  them  would  venture,  and  as  they  were 
a  Mufket  mot  from  the  Houfe,  the  Indians  en- 
compafled  them,  and  took  two  of  them  alive,  the 
third  being  wounded  did  with  his  naked  Sword 
efcape  through  them  to  the  Houfe,  relating  to  the 
Company  the  fad  Event,  and  that  one  of  thofe 
Englim  that  were  taken  did  firft  kill  two  Indians. 
The  next  Day  all  the  Englim  deferted  that  Houfe, 
and  repaired  to  the  Fort.  The  Indians  then  quickly 
burned  that,  and  two  other  Houfes.  They  made 
towards  the  Fort  as  if  they  would  have  done  fome 
great  Matter;  but  a  great  Gun  being  difcharged  at 
them,  they  went  quite  away,  and  were  no  more 
'feen  at  Say-brook  for  the  greateft  Part  of  that 

103 »  Old    Mr.    Mitchell,"   fays  out  of  the  long  Grafs,  killed  three 

Gardiner,  "was  very  urgent  with  me  of  them  and   took  captive  the  Bro- 

"  to  lend  him  the  Boat  to  fetch  Hay  ther  of  Mr.  Mitchell,   Minifter  of 

"  from  the  Six  Mile  Ifland."  Gardi-  Cambridge,  and  roafted  him  alive, 

ner  remonftrated,  faying  he  had  not  Gardner,   142-3.     His  Name  was 

Men  fufficient,  but  was  finally  per-  Butterfield.     Savage  fays  his  Chrift- 

fuaded  to  let  the  Boat  go,  and  fev-  ian  Name  was  Samuel.     Perhaps  it 

eral   Men  fet   off.     Part    of  them  was,  but  he  gives  no  Evidence.  The 

were  enjoined  to  keep  Guard,  while  Place  where   Butterfield   was   taken 

the  reft  loaded  the  Hay.     This  was  was  known  for  a  Time  as  Butter- 

neglefted,  and  all  went  together  on  field's  Meadow.     It  was  on  what  is 

Shore.     Suddenly  the  Indians  rofe  fince  called  Calves  Ifland.    Barter. 


164 

Winter.'94  Only  two  Miles  up  the  River  two  Men 
going  in  a  Canoo  to  (hoot  Geefe,  the  Indians  hear 
ing  the  Report  of  their  Guns,  came  upon  them. 
Thofe  two  Englifh  fought  to  fave  their  Lives  by 
padling,  but  the  Indians  purfued  them  with  an 
other  Canoo  (hot  at  them  and  wounded  one  in  his 
Head,  who  fell  overboard,  the  other  mot  floutly  at 
the  Indians,  but  at  laft  being  wounded  and  wearied, 
the  Indians  overtook  him,  he  with  his  Paddle  cleft 
one  of  the  Indians  Heads,  but  the  reft  took  him, 
and  tortured  him  to  Death.195 

Feb.  22.  The  Lieut,  with  nine  Souldiers  well 
armed,  went  out  of  the,  Fort  to  burn  the  Woods 
thereabouts,  being  gone  Ha'f  a  Mile  from  Home 
they  were  befett  with  about  feventy  Indians,  who 
let  fly  their  Arrows  very  fiercely ;  the  Englifh  re 
treated,  one  Man  prefently  was  fhot  in  the  Neck, 
and  then  did  they  lay  Hands  on  him,  he  drew  his 
Sword,  but  that  was  taken  from  him  ;  Then  would 
he  (as  the  Indians  afterwards  teftified)  have  killed 
himfelf,  with  his  own  Knife,  but  that  alio  did  the 
Indians  deprive  him  of,  and  cut  off  his  Nofe  and 
Hands,  and  put  him  to  a  cruel  Death ;  they  fhot 
down  another  Englimman  with  three  [46]  Arrows, 
and  a  third  had  one  of  his  Ribs  cleft ^with  an  Arrow, 
fo  that  he  died  immediately.  A  fourth  was  mor 
tally  wounded,  and  though  he  got  Home  alive,  he 


194  This  feems  like  an  Abridge 
ment  of  Gardiner's  Hiftory,  without 
the  Particulars. 


.195  « 


Shallop    coming   down 
"  the  River  in  the  Spring,  [1636] 


having  two  Men,  one  whereof 
they  killed  at  Six-mile  Ifland,  the 
other  came  down  drowned  to  us 
A  more  at  our  Doors,  with  an 
Arrow  fhot  into  his  Eye  through 
his  Head."  Gardiner,  143. 


died  within  fourteen  Hours,  a  fifth  was  forely 
wounded,  but  afterwards  recovered,  and  lived  (the 
next  Year)  to  behead  that  very  Indian  who  had 
mot  an  Arrow  into  him.  Yea,  the  Leiut.  himfelf 
was  wounded  in  this  Skirmim.  After  this  the  In- 
dians  kept  Leaguer  before  Say-brook  Fort.196 

March  9.  A  Body  of  Indians,  confifting  (as 
was  conjectured)  of  two  or  three  hundred  come 
within  Mufket  mot  of  the  Fort,  challenging  the 
Englifh  to  come  out  and  fight,  mocking  and  up 
braiding  them  with  fuch  Words  as  the  Englim  ufed 
when  by  them  tortured  to  Death,  and  bragged  that 


1!);;  Gardiner's  Account  of  this 
defperate  Adventure  and  furious 
Attack  of  the  Pequots  fhould  be  read 
in  Connexion.  "  In  the  2zd  of 
"  February  I  went  out  with  ten  Men 
"  and  three  Dogs,  Half  a  Mile 
"  from  the  Houfe  [Fort]  to  burn 
"  the  Weeds,  Leaves  and  Reeds, 
"  upon  the  Neck  of  Land,  becaufe 
"  we  had  felled  twenty  timber 
"  Trees,  which  we  were  to  roll  to 
"  the  Water-fide  to  bring  home, 
"  every  Man  carrying  a  length  of 
"  Match  with  Brimftone-matches 
"  with  him  to  kindle  the  Fire  withal. 
But  when  we  came  to  the  fmall 
of  the  Neck,  the  Weeds  burning, 
I  having  before  fet  two  Sentinels 
on  the  fmall  of  the  Neck,  T  called 
to  the  Men  that  were  burning  the 
Reeds  to  come  away,  but  they 
would  not  until  they  had  burnt 
up  the  reft  of  their  Matches. 
Prefently  there  ftarts  up  four 
Indians  out  of  the  fiery  Reeds, 
but  ran  away,  I  calling  to  the  reft 
of  our  Men  to  come  away  out  of 


the  Marfii.  Then  Robert  Chap 
man  and  Thomas  Hurlbut,  being 
Seutinels,  called  to  me,  faying 
there  came  a  Number  of  Indians 
out  of  the  other  Side  of  the  Marfh. 
Then  I  went  to  flop  them,  that 
they  fhould  not  get  [to]  the  Wood 
land  ;  but  Thomas  Hurlbut  cried 
out  to  me  that  fome  of  the  Men 
did  not  follow  me,  for  Thomas 
Rumble  and  Arthur  Branch,  threw 
down  their  two  Guns  ran  away  ; 
then  the  Indians  fhot  two  of  them 
that  were  in  the  Reeds,  and  fought 
to  get  between  us  and  Home,  but 
darft  not  come  before  us,  but 
kept  us  in  a  Half-moon,  we  re 
treating  and  exchanging  many  a 
Shot,  fo  that  Thomas  Hurlbut 
was  fhotalmoft  through  the  Thigh, 
John  Spencer  in  the  Back  into  his 
Kidneys,  myfelf  into  the  Thigh, 
two  more  were  fhot  dead.  But 
in  our  Retreat  I  kept  Hurlbut  and 
Spencer  ftill  before  us,:  we  de 
fending  ourfelves  with  our  naked 
Swords,  or  elfe  they  had  taken  us 


C  '66  ] 

they  could  kill  Englifh men  all  one  Fly es :  but  two 
great  Gunns  loaden  with  Carthages  of  Mufket 
Bullets  being  fired  at  them,  away  they  went,  and 
hearing  that  the  Narraganjets  were  invading  their 
Country,  they  viiited  Sey brook  no  more.197 

After  thefe  Things,  a  Shallop  coming  down  from 
Coneclicut,  with  three  Men  rowing,  was  fet  upon 
by  feveral  Canoes  of  Indians,  the  Englim  fought 
ftoutly  fo  long  as  they  could,  but  one  of  them  be 
ing  (hot  through  the  Nofe,  fo  as  the  Arrow  went 
out  at  the  Crown  of  his  Head,  fell  overboad  and 
dyed ;  The  other  two  were  taken  by  the  Indians, 
who  ripped  them  up  from  the  Bottom  the  Belly 
to  the  Throat,  and  cleft  them  down  the  Back 


"  all   alive,    fo    that   the  two  fore 
"  wounded  Men,  by  our  flow  Re- 
"  treat,  got  home  with  their  Guns, 
"  when  our    two  found  Men  ran 
"  away  and  left  their  Guns  behind 
"  them.     But  when  I  faw  the  Cow- 
"  ards  that  left  us,  I  refolved  to  let 
"  them  draw  Lots  which  of  them 
"  mould  be  hanged,  for  the  Articles 
"  did  hang  up  in  the  Hall  for  them 
'•  to  read,  and  they  knew  they  had 
been  publiflied  long  before.     But 
at  the    Interceffion    of  old  Mr. 
Mitchell,     Mr.    Higgiflbn,     and 
Mr.  Pell,  I  did  forbear.    Within 
a  few   Days    after,  when  I  had 
cured  myfelf  of  my    Wound,  I 
went  out  with   eight   Men  to  get 
fome  Fowle  for  our  Reliefe,  and 
found  the  Guns  that  were  thrown 
away,  and  the  Body  of  one  Man 
ftiot  through,  the  Arrow  going  in 
at  the  Right  Side,  the  Head  flick 
ing  faft,  Half  through  a  Rib  on 


"  the  Left  Side,  which  I  took  out 
"  and  cleanfed  it,  and  prefumed  to 
"  to  fend  it  to  the  Bay  [Bofton] 
"  becaufe  they  had  faid  that  the 
"  Arrows  of  the  Indians  were  of  no 
"  Force."  Hift.  oftbePequot  War, 
143-144. 

"  That  very  Indian  "  who  was 
beheaded  "  the  next  Year"  by  the 
Man  then  defperately  wounded,  was 
named  Kifwas,  as  will  be  elfewhere 
feen. 

1  - '  This  brief  Epifode  is  told  at 
great  Lengih  by  Gardiner  in  his 
Hiftory — too  long  for  a  Note  in 
this  Place.  Gardiner  mentions  that 
Anthony  Dike  brought  him  a  Letter, 
being  "  fent  by  Mr.  Vane,"  then 
Governor,  who  required  Gardiner 
to  "  prefcribe  the  beft  way  to  quell 
"  the  Pequots,  which  I  alfo  did,  and 
"  with  my  Letter  fent  the  Mans 
"  Rib  as  a  Token." 


'67 

throughout,  and  afterwards  hung  them  up  by  the 
Neck  on  a  Tree  by  the  River  fide,  that  the  Eng 
lifh  might  fee  them  as  they  pafied  by  ;  the  Shallop 
they  drew  a  Shore  and  fet  on  Fire.198 

May  15.  1637.  Some  of  Uncas  his  Men  being  then 
at  Saybrook,  in  order  to  amfting  the  Englifh  againft 
the  Pequots  efpyed  feven  Indians,  and  flyly  encom- 
paffing  them,  flew  five  of  them,  and  took  one  Pri- 
foner,  and  brought  him  to  the  Englifh  Fort,  which 
was  great  Satisfaction  and  Encouragement  to  the 
Englifh,  who  before  that  Exploit  had  many  Fears 
touching  the  Fidelity  of  the  Moheag  Indians.1" 
He  whom  they  took  Prifoner  was  a  perfideous  Vil 
lain,  one  that  could  (peak  Englifh  well,  having  in 
Times  paft  lived  in  the  Fort,  and  knowing  all  the 
Englifh  there,  had  been  at  the  flaughtering  of  all 
the  Englifh  that  were  flaughtered  thereabouts ;  he 
was  a  continual  Spy  about  the  Fort,  informing 
Safacus  of  what  he  faw  or  could  learn.  When 
this  bloody  Traitor  was  executed,  his  Limbs  were 
by  Violence  pulled  from  one  another,  and  burned 
to  Ames  :  fome  of  the  Indian  Executioners  barbar- 
oufly  taking  his  Flefh,  they  gave  it  to  one  another, 
and  did  eat  it,  withal  finging  about  the  Fire.200 

19; ;  This  Shallop  is  that  mentioned  20°  The  Indian  thus  barbaroufly 
by  Gardiner  as  belonging  to  "  Mr.  executed  was  named  Kifwas,  men- 
Michel,"  I  fuppofe ;  and  the  Man  tioned  before.  He  had  lived  a  Time 
fo  barbaroufly  ripped  in  two  was  at  the  Fort  with  Lt.  Gardiner,  as 
Mafter  Tilly,  of  whom  mention  is  above  remarked,  but  when  the  Ex- 
already  made.  pedition  againft  the  Pequots  under 

Gen.  Endicott  came  to  Saybrook, 

199  The  Mohegan  Indians  broke  he  ran  away  ;  hence  Gardiner  called 

from  the  Pequots  in  the  Year  1636.  him  a  Traitor.  The  marked  dif- 

Gardiner.  ference  in  the  Narratives  of  this  War 


C  168  ] 

It  is  alfo  reported  that  before  the  Mi/lick  Fight, 
a  friendly  Indian  [47]  that  was  lent  thither  as  a 
fecret  Spy,  brought  Word  that  the  Pequots  were 
finging,  and  dancing,  and  bleffing  their  God,  in 
that  they  fuppoied  the  Englifh  were  gone  from 
them ;  and  that  in  the  Night  the  Englifh  came 
upon  them,  they  were  fallen  into  a  deep  Sleep,  by 
Reafon  of  their  long  Dancing  the  Night  before, 
and  their  Sentinel  was  gone  out  of  his  Place  to 
light  a  Pipe  of  Tobacco,  juft  as  the  Englifh  fur- 
prized  them,  and  when  our  Souldiers  gave  Fire 
there  was  not  one  that  miffed ;  the  Pequots  fo 
alarmed,  in  Horrour  and  Amazement  crying  Wan- 
nocks  Wannocks™*  i.  e.  Englishmen,  Englifhmen  ; 
fome  of  the  old  Men  taking  hold  of  others  that 
were  willing  to  run  away,  and  faying,  as  we  have 
lived  together,  fo  let  us  dy  together,  the  Wigwam 
which  was  firft  fet  on  Fire,  being  to  the  wind 
ward  Side  carried  all  before  it,  (as  is  in  the  Narra 
tive  intimated).  At  that  Time  there  were  two 
Englifh  men  flain,  (one  of  which  was  thought  to  be 
{hot  by  an  Englifh  man)  and  twenty  four  wounded, 

is   obfervable  throughout,  and  it  is  fays    Capt.  Underhill  finifhed    the 

very    apparent    that  the  Jealoufies  Execution    by   "  {hooting  a  Piftol 

between  the  Heads  of  the  different  "  through   him  to   defpatch  him." 

Colonies  came  near  deftroying  them  A  True  Relation  of  the  late  Bait  ell, 

all ;  and  the    Man  whom   Hiftory  36. 
may  decide  faved  them  all,  was  the 

Founder  of  that  Colony   hated  by         2(U  In  Mafon's  Hiftory  the  Pe- 

all.     But  of  this  I  have  taken  No-  quot  Word  of  Alarm  is  "  Owanux, 

tice  in  the  Introduction.  "  Owanux"      Why     Mr.    Allyn 

The  Account  of  the  Execution  of  changed  the  Orthography,  he  does 

Kifwas  in  Vincent's   Traft  corre-  not  inform  us.      Mr.  Prince  in  his 

fponds  with  this  in  our  Text,  though  Edition  of  Mafon's  Work  fets  the 

it  is  more  horrible,  if  poffible.    He  Matter  right.     See  Note  156. 


i69 

whereof  one  dyed  within  few  Dayes.aoa  Alfo  fourty 
Indians  that  were  Friends  to  the  Englim  were  hurt 
in  that  Engagement.  It  was  fuppofed  that  no  lefs 
than  five  or  lix  hundred  Pequot  Souls  were  brought 
down  to  Hell  that  Day.203  Moreover  it  is  therein 
added,  that  as  the  Englim  marched  towards  their 
Veflels  in  the  River,  ftill  as  they  came  near  any 
Swamp,  they  fent  in  a  Volley  of  Shot  left  the  Enemy 
mould  haply  be  in  Ambum  in  thofe  dark  Places  of 
the  Earth,  and  fome  Indians  have  related  that  the 
Englim  did  by  that  Means  kill  more  Men  of  War 
in  their  marching  away,  than  in  the  Fight  at  the 
Fort,  whereby  alfo  Saffacous  his  Plot  to  cut  off  the 
Englim  as  they  pafled  by  Swamp-ambufhinents 
was  utterly  and  happily  fruftrated. 

It  is  further  faid,  that  an  Indian  called  Wequafh 
did  direcl:   the   En  glim  to  the   Fort   at   Miftick™* 

202  Underbill    mentions   a   very  204  The  other  Hiftorians  of  the 
remarkable  Circumftance  connected  War  do  not  give  this  Indian  Credit 
with  the  firft  Attack  on  the  Fort —  for  this  moft  important  Service.  He 
that   at   the    Word — Fire — every  lived  till  about    1643,  and   was  in 
Gun  went  off  at  the  fame  Moment  great  Favor  with  Roger  Williams. 
— which  he  thus  relates:     "Sore-  See    his   Key,  P.  22  (R.  I,  Hift. 

'  markable  it  appeared  to  us,  as  we  Colls.,  i).     See  alfo    Book  Indians, 

'  could  not  but  admire  at  the  Pro-  166.     It  appears  from  Roger  Wil- 

'  vidence  of  God  in  it,  that  Soldiers  liams's  Letters,  that  there  was   an- 

'  fo  unexpert  in   the  Ufe  of  their  other  Indian  named  Wequafchuck, 

'  Arms,  mould  give  fo  complete  a  whofe  Name  with  the  Englifh  flid 

'  Volley,  as  though  the   Finger  of  into  Wequam  Cook,    and   became 

'  God  had  touched    both    Match  confounded  with  that  of  Wequafli. 

'  Flint,"     P.  23.  But   Wequam   was  a  Pequot,  and 

Wequamchuck    was    a    Nyantick, 

203  This  feems    to    have  been  a  and    "  the  Man,"    fays   Williams, 
favorite  Expreffion  of  our  Author.  "  to  my  Knowledge,  that  flickered 
It  will  be  met   with  again  in  the  "  Audfah,  the  Murtherer  of  Mr. 
Courfe  of  the  Work.  "  Oldham.    Mafi.  Hift.  Sot.  Colls., 

w 


which  Wequajhvfi&  by  birth  a  Sachim  of  that  Place 
but  upon  ibme  Difguft  received  he  went  from  the 
Pequots  to  the  Narraganfets,  and  became  a  chief 
Captain  under  Miantonimo ;  and  that  there  were 
with  thofe  eighty  Englifh  Souldiers,  who  engaged 
in  this  Expedition  againft  the  Pequots,  at  firft  four 
hundred  Indians,  whereof  three  hundred  were 
Narraganfets.  The  Day  before  the  Fight  there 
was  fome  Agitation  which  Fort  fhould  be  firfl 
aiTaulted,  whether  that  of  Miftick,  or  another  eight 
Miles  further,  where  Saffacus  himfelf  refided.  The 
Englim  were  an  End  to  be  upon  Saffacus ,  but  the 
Indians  were  afraid  faying,  that  Sajfacus  was  all  one 
God,  and  nobody  could  kill  him ;  this  made  the 
Englifh  yet  more  defirous  to  try  what  Power  was 
in  this  imaginary  Deity,  and  that  was  the  Conclu- 
fion,  whereupon  many  of  the  Narraganfets  with 
drew  and  returned  all  Home,  reporting  that  the 
Englim  were  cut  off  by  the  Indians ;  the  Fame  of 
which  was  quickly  at  [48-]  Bofton ;  to  the  great 
Affliction  of  the  Englim  untill  fuch  Time  as  the 
Truth  of  Things  was  certainly  known. z°5  In  this 
Interim  one  of  Capt.  Underbids  Souldiers  fell  lame, 

36,  208,  242      For  other  curious  25]  came  News  from  the  Narra- 

Particulars  in  the  Life  of  Wequajb,  ganfett,  that  all  the  Englim,  and 

fee  Ibid,  198.     See  alfo  Note  177.  two    hundred    of     the     Indians 

Mr.  Williams  recommended   We-  were  cut  off  in  their  Retreat,  for 

quafh  for  a  Guide  in  the  Expedition.  Want  of  Powder  and  Victuals. 

Many  other    interefting    Fads  re-  Three  Days   after,   this  was  con- 

fpecYtng  this  Indian  are  brought  to  firmed  by  a  Poft  from  Plimouth, 

Light  by  the  newly  publimed  Let-  with  fuch  probable  Circumflances, 

ters  of  Williams.  as  it  was  generally  believed." — 

Winthrop,  Journal,  i,  225.     See 

BOS  "  Prefently  upon  this  [May  alfo  Bradford,  358-359. 


not  being  able  to  go  fo  far  as  the  Place  where 
Saffacus  was  fuppofed  to  be ;  whence  the  Captain 
changed  his  Purpofe,  and  determined  for  Miftick?06 
and  Capt.  Mafon  was  not  willing  they  mould  part 
afunder,  fo  did  they  agree  to  make  their  AfTault 
there ;  few  or  none  of  the  Indians  which  were  in 
the  Fort  efcaped,  whole  Companyes  of  them 
gathered  together  and  were  burnt  to  Death ;  thofe 
that  efcaped  the  Fire,  the  Englim  without  the  Fort 
flew  them  with  the  Sword,  fo  that  round  about 
the  Fort,  dead  Men  lay  hideous  to  behold. 

The  Indians  Goliab,  even  their  only  Champion, 
being  a  Man  of  huge  Stature  was  then  (lain,  he 
brake  through  the  Souldiers,  and  although  one 
Sergeant  ftroke  him  on  the  Neck  with  his  Cut- 
lam,  he  got  by  him  and  by  five  Souldiers  more,  but 
the  fixth  killed  him.*0? 

And  thofe  that  efcaped  the  Sword,  the  friendly 
Indians  that  encompafled  the  Englifh  took  as  Cap 
tives  to  the  Number  of  eighteen.208 

This  was  done  upon  Friday,  May  26.  Anno 
1637.  A  memorable  Day.209 

Upon  this  notable  Victory,  SaJJacus  his  Heart 
failed  him,  his  Men  of  War  being  many  of  them 

200  If  this  were  true,  it  would  be  in  Note  158. 
very  remarkable  indeed,  that  through 

the  Failure  of  a  fingle  Soldier  the         208  This  does  not  agree  with  the 

Plan  of  the  Campaign  was  changed,  other  Accounts  as  will  have  been 

feen. 

2«7  This  was  the  Namelefs  "  flout 

"  Indian  "  mentioned  by  Vincent.         209  Winthrop  records  the  Attack 

See  Note  160,  and  161.     Johnfon  on  the  Fort  on  May  25th;  but  the 

alfo  heard  fomething  about  the  Feat  26th  is  doubtlefs  the  aftual  Date, 

of  this  Indian  Goliab,  as  is  mown  Bradford  does  not  give  any  Date.' 


cut  off,  fo  that  he  fled  his  Country,  breaking  down 
his  Forts,  and  burning  his  Wigwams  himfelf,  he 
marched  away  by  Land,  with  fome  Men,  Wo 
men  and  Children,  their  Goods  being  fent  away 
in  the  Cannons.  The  Englifh  at  Say-brook  had 
Notice  of  the  Cannoos,  and  an  Advantage  to  ftop 
their  PafTage,  but  Capt.  Kilpatrick2-10  delayed  until! 
the  Opportunity  was  gone,  fo  that  Saffacus  with 
his  routed  Train,  coming  up  to  his  Cannoos  fix 
Miles  from  Say- brook  Fort,  was  tranfported  over 
the  River,  and  fled  towards  ^uinipiack.  Being 
now  inraged  he  follicited  his  Men  of  War,  that 
they  might  go,  and  fall  upon  the  Englifh  at  Con- 
nefticut,  but  fome  of  them  not  confenting,  that 
Defign  was  not  put  in  Execution  $  he  therefore 
fled  to  the  Mohawks,  who  (being  as  is  fuppofed 
excited  thereto  by  the  revengefull  Narraganfets] 
cut  ofFhis  Head.211 

Many  of  the  Pequots  before  SaJJacus  his  Death 

210  Why  Capt.  Daniel  Patrick's      '  Mohawks  for  Shelter,  with  their 
Name  is  thus  transformed  muft  be      '  Wampum,  (being  to  the  Value  of 
left  to  conje&ure.  '  £500,)  were   by  them  furprifed 

'  and  flain,  with  twenty  of  their 

211  It  appears  that  the  Mohawks  '  beft  Men."     Journal,  i,  235. 
fent  the  Head  and  Skin  of  Saflacus          Records    of    the    Reception    at 
to  the  Englifh  ; — for  Winthrop  fays,  Bofton  of  the  Heads  and  Hands  of 
under  date  of  Auguft  5,    that  Mr.  the  Indians  feems  to  have  been  made 
Hooker,   Mr.  Stone,    Mr.  Wilfon,  as  coolly  as  almoft  any  other  matter- 
Mr.   Ludlow,    Mr.   Pinchon,   and  of-courfe  Affairs.     Yet  there  were 
about  twelve  more  arrived  at  Boiton  fome  in  the  Land  who  did  not  ap- 
from  Connecticut  by  way  of  Provi-  prove  of  fuch  Barbarities.   '*  Thofe 
dence,  bringing  with  them  as  a  Tro-  "  dead  Hands,/  wrote  Roger  Wil- 
phy,  "  a  Part  of  the  Skin  and  lock  liams,  "  were  no  pleafing  Sight.  . .  . 
"  of  the  Hair  of  Saflacus  and  his  "  I  have  alwaies  fhowne  Diflike  to 
"  Brother   and  five   other  Pequot  "  fuch  difmembering  the  Dead." — 
"  Sachems,  who  being  fled  to  the  Mafs.  Hiji.  Colls.,  36,  207. 


[  173  ] 

returned  to  their  Country  again;  but  Souldiers 
being  fent  from  the  Maffachufets  the  returned 
Pequots  were  prefently  difrefted,  ours  ranfacking 
their  Country,  and  fetling  a  Garrifon  therein, 
quickly  came  back  to  Sey -brook,  with  one  of  the 
Pequot  Sachims,  and  other  Indian  Captives.  After 
which  a  Supply  of  Men  from  Connecticut  coming  to 
the  MafTachufets  Souldiers,  they  failed  Weftward  in 
Purfuit  of  the  Pequots  who  were  fled  that  Way, 
failing  along  to  the  Weftward  of  Mononowuttuck?™ 
the  [49]  Wind  not  anfwering  their  Defires,  they  caft 
Anchor,  where  two  Sachems  from  Long- -I/land?1* 
came  to  them,  defiring  Peace  and  promiiing  to 
deliver  up  whatever  Pequots  mould  fly  to  them  for 
Shelter,  fome  fcattering  Pequots  were  then  taken 
and  flain,  as  alfo  the  Pequot  Sachem,  before  ex- 
prefled,  had  his  Head  cut  off,  whence  that  Place 
did  bear  the  Name  of  Sachems  Head*1*  Being 

212  Like  moft  other  Indian  Names,  that  Day,  and  has  faithfully  narrated 
this  has  been  varioufly  written,  it  in  his  Hi/lory  of  the  Pequot  War, 
Ufually  now  Menunkatuc ;  the  pre-  153,  et  feq. 
fent  Town  of  Guilford  in  Connec 
ticut.  In  two  Years  after  this  pur-  214  Though  moft  of  the  Forces 
fuit  of  the  flying  Pequots — 1639 —  went  from  the  Fort  at  Saybrook  by 
it  was  fettled  by  the  Englifh.  Roger  Water,  a  Number  of  Soldiers  with 
Williams,  writing  in  Sept.  1637,  Uncas  and  his  Indians  fcoured  the 
fays  the  Place  where  the  laft  Fight  Shores  near  the  Sea,  left  any  of  the 
was,  was  called  Safquankit.  See  Pequots  mould  lurke  there.  Not  a 
Mafs.  Hift.  Colls.,  36,  213.  great  Way  from  this  Harbor  they 

came  acrofs  a  Pequod  Sachem  with 

213  Thefe    Long  Ifland    Indians  a  few  Indians,  whom  they  purfued. 

are  very  (lightly  parted  over,   while  As  the  fouth  Side  of  the  Harbor  is 

their    Services    probably  faved  the  formed  by  a  long  narrow  Point  of 

Englifh  Settlers  from  Deftruftion,  if  Land,  the  Pequods  went  on  to  this 

Lieut.  Gardiner  may  be  allowed  to  Point,  hoping  their  Purfuers  would 

have  known   the   Indian   Policy  of  have  pafled  by  them.     But  Uncas 


[  174] 

come  near  to  <j%uinipiack*l$  obferving  a  Smoak,  it 
was  conjectured  that  the  Enemy  might  be  there 
abouts,  whereupon  Indians  were  fet  on  Shore  to 
hunt  after  them,  but  they  could  find  no  more  then 
two,  one  of  which  was  the  Sachems  Son  of  that 
Place,  fuppofed  to  be  Confederate  with  the  Pequots. 
They  promifed  to  conduct  the  Englifh  to  the 
Enemy,  but  failed  in  Performance.  After  that 
they  took  another  Indian  Captive,  who  likewife 
engaged  to  lead  the  Englifh  upon  the  Pequots,  but 
he  directed  them  into  a  quite  contrary  Way,  for 
which  his  Life  was  defervedly  taken  from  him.*16 
But  an  Indian  called  Luz,  who  was  before  taken 
Captive  by  our  Souldiers  in  the  Pequot  Country, 
with  two  other  Indians  that  were  his  Kinfmen, 
promifed  that  if  the  Englim  would  give  him  and 
his  Kinfmen  their  Lives,  he  would  conduct  them 

knew  Indian's  Craft,  and  ordered  received  three  Years  after  the  War, 
fome  of  his  Men  to  fearch  that  namely,  in  1640.  Hoadly's  New 
Point.  The  Pequods  perceiving  Haven  Records,  i,  40.  It  does  not 
they  were  purfued,  fwam  over  the  appear  why  this  Name  was  made 
Mouth  of  the  Harbor,  which  is  Choice  of,  yet  very  likely  it  was 
narrow;  but  they  were  way-laid,  conferred  in  Remembrance  of  New 
and  taken  as  they  landed.  The  Haven  in  Suflex,  England.  The 
Sachem  was  fentenced  to  be  (hot  to  Englim  began  the  Settlement  at 
Death.  Uncas  mot  him  with  an  Quinipiack  late  in  the  Fall  of  1637, 
Arrow,  cut  off  his  Head,  and  ftuck  and  the  next  Year  bought  the  Lands 
it  up  in  the  Crotch  of  a  large  oak  thereabouts  of  the  Indian  Claim- 
Tree  near  the  Harbor,  where  the  ants. 
Skull  remained  for  a  great  many 

Years.     Thus  from  this  extraordi-          21<5  It  is  not  very  conclufive  Evi- 

nary  Incident,    the   Name  of  Sa-  dence  that  thefe  Indians  favored  the 

chems  Head    was    adopted   to  the  Pequot    Murderers,     becaufe    they 

Harbor.     Ruggles's  Hi/}.  Guilford,  failed   to  lead  the   Englim  to  their 

in  Barber's  Hift.  Colls.,  216.  hiding  Places ;  but  a  Thirft  for  In 
dian  Blood  is  rather  more  conclu- 

215  New  Haven,  which  Name  it  five,  now  that  their  Hand  was  in. 


*75 

to  the  Enemies  they  fought  after.  He  did  fo,  the 
Pequots  with  other  Indians  belonging  to  thofe 
Parts,  were  found  near  a  Swam,  into  which  they 
did  betake  themfelves  for  Safety,  upon  the  Approach 
of  the  Englim  Souldiers.  After  a  while,  an  Indian 
came  out  of  the  Swamp  unarmed,  with  a  Prefent 
of  Wampam.  The  Englifh  declared  to  him  that 
they  came  not  to  take  away  the  Lives  of  the  In 
dians  nor  their  Goods,  if  they  would  deliver  up  the 
Murtherers  that  were  amongft  them.  After  which 
ninety  nine  came  forth  with  their  Sachim,  who 
offered  as  a  Prefent  all  the  Eftate  he  had  to  difpofe 
of,  and  that  was  nothing  but  the  Coat  on  his  Back, 
being  a  Bears  Skin.  He  was  fent  into  the  Swamp 
again  to  fignify  to  the  Pequots  there  lurking,  that 
if  they  would  bring  forth  the  Murderers  it  fhould 
be  better  for  them,  which  they  would  not  do,  but 
at  laft  profefled  they  had  lived  together,  and  would 
dy  together. 

There  were  about  feventy  or  eighty  Indians  in 
the  Swamp,  amongft  whom  there  were  twelve 
Murderers.  So  then  the  Englim  befett  the  Swamp; 
and  mot  in  upon  them,  and  the  Indians  at  them, 
fome  of  which  were  furnifhed  with  Guns.217  One 
in  Ipecial  that  was  climbing  up  a  Tree  to  moot  at 
the  Englim,  was  efpyed  by  a  Souldier,  who  fent  a 
Bullet  into  him  before  the  other  could  make  his 
Shot.  In  the  Night  time  the  Indians  brake  away. 
Diligent  fearch  was  the  next  Day  made  in  the 

217  It  was  afcertained  that  the  Quantity  of  Ammunition.  The 
Pequots  had,  in  all,  among  them,  Englim  fay  they  were  fupplied  by 
about  fixteen  Guns,  and  a  due  the  Dutch  at  Manhattan, 


Swamp  for  dead  Indians.  Not  many  (as  fomc 
have  made  Narration)  but  feven,  and  no  more  could 
be  found.  As  for  the  Captives  a  [50]  Guard  was 
appointed  to  look  after  them,  they  were  charged 
upon  Peril  of  their  Lives  not  to  Attempt  running 
away ;  yet  one  of  them  betook  himfelf  to  his  Heels, 
but  a  Souldier  {hot  after  him,  and  killed  him,  which 
ftruck  a  Terror  into  the  Reft  of  the  Captives,  that 
no  Man  durft  make  an  Offer  to  efcape.  Thefe 
|Things  do  I  find  related  by  Anonymous.  There  is 
not  much  more  additional  to  what  is  exprefled  in 
I  Mr.  Allyns  Narrative.  Some  of  thefe  Particulars 
infifted  on  confirming  the  Truth  of  that.  Only 
one  Thing  more  is  contained  therein  which  I  have 
not  elfewhere  met  with,  which  therefore  it  may 
not  be  amifs  here  to  take  Notice  of.  It  is  this, 
whereas  on  April  23.  i637.218  The  Indians  com 
ing  upon  the  Englifh  at  Wethersfield,  killed  nine 
Perfons,  and  took  two  young  Women  alive,  and 
carried  them  away  Captives,  Means  were  ufed  to 
effect  their  Deliverance,  but  at  firft,  in  vain. 

On  May  8.  A  Dutch  Sloop  eame  by  Say  brook 
Fort,  having  on  board  an  Indian  Captive,  who  faid 
fhe  was  Momonottocks  Squaw.  The  Englifh  there 
defired  the  Dutchmen  to  let  them  have  the  Squaw 
in  order  to  redeeming  the  Englifh  Captives,  offer 
ing  to  give  them  to  the  Value  of  two  hundred 
Pound,  provided  that  thofe  Captives  might  be  fet 
at  Liberty.  The  Dutchmen  hoping  to  gain  much 
by  fuch  an  Indian  were  fome  of  them  loth  to  part 

213  Sec  Note  148. 


[  177  ] 

with  her.  In  Conclufion  Capt.  Underbill  (who 
then  commanded  the  Fort)  having  obtained  the 
Confent  of  the  Mafter  of  the  VefTel,  did  vt  et  armis 
take  the  Squaw  out  of  the  Sloop.  Afterwards 
when  the  Moheags  came  to  Say  brook  that  Squaw 
appeared  to  be  one  belonging  to  them,  whom  the 
Pequots  had  captivated,  and  me  made  the  Dutch 
believe  me  was  Momonottucks  Squaw,  hoping  that 
thereby  me  mould  obtain  the  more  courteous  Ufage 
amongft  thofe  into  whofe  Hands  me  was  fallen,  fo 
that  the  Conteft  between  the  Englim  and  Dutch 
about  her  was  needlefs.  In  the  Interim  the  Dutch 
Governour  fent  another  Sloop,  with  Order  to  re 
deem  the  Engim  Captives  if  poffible,  and  thofe 
Dutch  did  in  Conclufion  wilily  accomplish  their 
Defign.  For  being  arrived  in  the  Pequot  Country, 
certain  Indians  coming  aboard  to  trade  with  them 
after  they  had  been  Trafficking  they  were  clapt 
under  Hatches,  and  told  they  mould  not  be  fet  at 
Liberty,  except  they  would  deliver  the  Englim 
Maids  that  were  captivated,  and  prefently  hoyfted 
Sayle,  as  if  they  would  be  gone.  The  Pequots  on 
Shore  called  to  them,  declaring  that  if  they  would 
come  to  an  Anchor,  the  Englim  Captives  mould 
be  brought  to  them,  which  was  done,  and  the  Men 
whom  the  Dutchmen  had  fecured  in  their  Sloop 
given  in  Exchange  for  the  Englim  Captives,  who 
were  alfo  brought  fafe  to  Saybrook,  May  16.  when 
our  Souldiers  waited  for  a  Wind  to  carry  them  to 
engage  with  [5 1  ]  the  Pequots,  and  that  Wind  which 
for  a  few  Dayes  kept  the  Englim  from  going  upon 
X 


C  '78  ] 

their  Expedition,  brought  that  Dutch  Sloop  to  re 
deem  thofe  Captives,  concerning  whom  there  was 
no  other  Hope  (and  that  was  a  Trouble  to  fome) 
but  that  the  Englim  would  be  neceffiteted  to  deftroy 
them  amongft  the  Indians,  in  the  Day  when  their 
Fort  mould  be  attacqued. 

Some  have  thought  that  in  thefe  Narratives, 
there  is  not  due  Notice  taken  of  what  was  done 
by  the  MaJJachufets  Forces.  The  Truth  is,  the 
Conqueft  obteined  over  the  Pequots  was  wonder 
fully  the  Lords  doing,  nor  may  we  afcribe  much  to 
Man  therein,  yet  muft  it  be  acknowledged  (and  the 
Narratives  deny  it  not)  that  Capt.  Vnderbill  (and 
thofe  under  his  Command)  who  was  fent  from  the 
Maffachufets  did  acquit  himfelf  worthily,  when 
the  Indians  at  Mijlick  Fort  were  cut  off.  It  muft 
alfo  be  owned  that  the  Maffacbujets  Souldiers  did 
glean  the  Pequots  after  that,  (and  we  know  who,  to 
pacify  thofe  that  were  unrealbnably  diffatisfied,  was 
ready  to  fay,  Is  not  the  Gleaning  of  Epbraim  better 
than  the  Vintage  of  Abiezer ;]  Likewife  they  had 
an  equal  Hand  with  others  in  the  Service  done  at 
the  Swamp,  where  fuch  a  Multitude  of  Indians 
were  either  {lain  or  taken  as  Captives.*1? 

And  betides  thefe  Things  iniftead  on,  there  are 
who  have  taken  Notice  of  fome  other  Specialtyes  of 
Divine  Providence  relating  to  thofe  Commotions 

2i'"  Our  Author  feems  to  have  counts,  that  the  Connecticut  Men 
learned  in  fome  Way,  that  Jealoufy  were  not  very  modeft  in  their 
had  prevailed  among  the  Men  who  Claims  of  the  Honor  of  deftroying 
were  fent  againft  the  Pequots,  It  thofe  Indians,  as  is  fnfficiently  ap 
is  apparent  from  the  different  Ac-  parent  from  Mafon's  Story. 


which  have  been  of  momentous  Confiderations,  to 
the  People  inhabiting  this  Wildernefs,  which  it 
may  not  be  amifs  here  to  remark.  It  is  then 
worthy  our  Obfervation,  that  the  guilty  bloody 
Pequots  after  they  had  treacheroufty  murthered 
Capt.  Stone  and  his  Company,  brought  Prefents  of 
Wampum  and  Bever  to  the  Englim  at  Bofton,  defir- 
ing  their  Friendfhip,  pleading  that  Stone  had  (who 
was  like  enough  to  do  it)  offered  fome  Abufe  to 
them,  in  furprizing  divers  Indians,  and  binding 
them,  and  forcing  them  to  mew  him  the  Way  up 
the  River,  &c.2ZO — wherefore  a  Peace  was  con 
cluded  upon  Condition  they  would  fuffer  the 
Englim  who  defired  to  inhabit  Connecticut,  there 
quietly  to  live,  and  alfo  deliver  up  thofe  Men  who 
had  been  guilty  of  Stones  Death.  Thefe  Things 
were  not  performed  by  the  Pequots.  The  Reafon 
why  they  were  the  more  willing  to  have  Peace  with 
the  Englim  was,  in  that  they  were  fallen  out  with 
the  Dutch  at  Monbatus,  as  alfo  with  the  Narra- 
ganjetts  who  were  then  potent  and  numerous ;  and 
at  firft  they  thought  Scorn  to  make  Overtures  of 
Peace  to  them,  proudly  defigning  the  Subjugation 
of  all  their  neighbor  Indians,  which  wrought  well 
for  the  Englim.  Howbeit  not  unlike  him  that 
faid :  Flectere  Ji  nequeo  fuperos  Acheronta  movebo. 
When  they  faw  they  could  not  attain  [52]  their 

220  This  agrees  with  Winthrop's  "  fidence  and  Gravity,   as,  having 

Record  as  found  in  his  Journal,  i,  "  no  Means   to   contradict  it,   we 

148.     The  "  &c."  in  our  Text  is  "  inclined  to  believe  it."     Thomas 

thus  explained  in  the  fame  Place:  Dudley  was  Governor  of  Maflachu- 

"  This  was  related  with  fuch  Con-  fetts,  at  that  Time  (1634). 


Ends  with  the  Englim,  except  they  would  let  Juf- 
tice  have  a  free  PafTage,  and  having  contracted  frefh 
bleeding  Guilt  upon  themfelves  by  new  and  outragi- 
ous  Murthers,  and  Crueltyes,  they  earneftly  folicited 
the  Narraganfets  to  joyn  with  them  in  their  wicked 
Confederacy  againft  the  Englifh,  Satan  fuggefting 
to  them  fuch  Arguments  as  did  almoft  prevail. 
For  they  told  the  Narraganfets  that  if  they  joyned 
with  the  Englim,  they  did  but  make  Way  for  their 
own  Ruine,  fince  after  the  Pequots  were  conquered, 
they  would  find  an  Occalion  to  fall  upon  the  Nar 
raganfets,  and  that  they  fhould  not  need  to  come 
to  open  battel  with  the  Englim,  only  fire  their 
Houfes  and  kill  their  Cattel,  and  lye  in  Ambum  to 
moot  them  as  they  went  about  their  Occafions,  fo 
would  they  quickly  be  forced  to  leave  this  Country, 
and  the  Indians  in  the  mean  while  not  expofed  to 
any  great  Hazard/21  Had  the  Narraganfets  been 
overcome  by  thefe  Arguments,  it  would  have  occa- 
fioned  far  greater  Trouble  and  Hazard  to  all  the 

231  The  above  is  very  fimilar  to  *  ered  what  an  Advantage  they  had 

what  Hubbard   had   ftated,  in  his  '  put  into  their  Hands  by  Strength 

Hiftory  of  the  War,  p.  121.     But  '  and  Favour  of  the  Englifh,  to  take 

that  elegant  Writer  inimitably  adds :  '  a  full  Revenge  of  all  their  former 

"  Michiavel  himfelf,    if  he  had  fat  '  Injuries    upon    their    inveterate 

in  Counfel  with  them,  could  not  '  Enemies :  the    Thought  of  that 

have  infinuated  ftronger  Reafons  '  was  fo.  fweet,    that  it  turned  the 

to    have    perfwaded    them    to  a  '  Scale  againft  all  other  Confidera- 

Peace.     It  is  faid,  that  fo  much  '  tions  whatever."     Ibid. 

Reafon  was  apprehended  in  thefe  Neither    our    Author    nor    Mr. 

Motives,    that   the    Narraganfets  Hubbard  was  aware  probably,  of 

were  once  wavering,   and  were  the  perilous  Efforts  of  Roger  Wil- 

almoft  perfwaded  to  have  granted  liams    to    prevent   the  Alliance    of 

an  Ear  to  their  Advice  and  Per  the  Pequots  and  Narraganfets.     See 

fwafion,  and  joyned  all  againft  the  Hiftory   and  Antiquities  of  Eofton, 

Englim;  but  when  they  confid-  204. 


C  «8i 

Englfh  Colonyes,  newly  fettled  in  this  Land.  But 
therefore  God  in  Mercy  to  his  People  prevented  it. 
Commiffioners  were  then  fent  from  Bo/ion  into  the 
Narr aganfett  Country,  to  endeavour  that  thofe  In 
dians  might  be  kept  from  Complyance  with  the 
Enemy.  There  is  one  who  having  a  little  enquired  \ 
into  thefe  Things,  doth  Relate  that  the  old  Kano-  ) 
nicus  did  difTwade  the  Pequots  from  War,  advifing 
rather  to  deliver  up  the  Murderers.  They  made 
believe  as  if  they  would  do  fo,  and  when  a  Band 
of  Souldiers  was  fent  into  the  Pequot  Country  for 
that  End,  they  bid  them  flay  awhile  and  the  Mur 
derers  mould  be  brought  to  them,  and  certain  InT 
dians  converfing  with  our  Souldiers,  did  very  much 
obferve  the  Armor  which  was  upon  them,  and 
would  point  where  they  mould  hit  them  with  their 
Arrows,  notwithstanding.  In  fine,  when  a  great 
Body  of  Indians  appeared  on  an  Hill  not  far  off, 
thofe  that  were  with  the  Souldiers  went  over  to 
them,  when  they  all  came  together,  they  gave  a 
fcornful  Shout,  and  fo  ran  all  away,  making  their 
Boaft  to  others,  how  they  had  deluded  the  Eng- 
lifh  ;  fo  that  Canonicus  his  .  Advife  to  the  Pequots 
took  no  Effect.  After  which  the  Narraganfets 
were  not  only  prevailed  with  to  decline  joyning 
with  the  Enemy,  but  (as  is  intimated  in  the  above 
written  Narrative)  they  pretended  they  would  fight 
for  the  Englifh ;  albeit  when  it  came  to  in  good  ^ 
earned,  they  proved  themfelves  Cowards,  doing 
little  againft  the  Enemies,  except  in  unmanly  In- 
fultations  when  they  faw  them  in  Mifery :  For 
whereas  it  was  cuftomary  with  the  Pequots,  when 


[     '82     ] 

they  had  overcome  their  Enemies,  infultingly  to 
triumph,  faying,  O  brave  Pequots  !  The  Narragan- 
fets  feeing  them  wounded  or  confuming  to  Death 
in  their  burning  Wigwams,  would  taunt  [53]  at 
them  and  vaunt  over  them,  faying,  O  brave 
Pequots  I  O  brave  Pequots  I  The  more  of  a  Divine 
Hand  is  there  to  be  taken  Notice  of  in  overcoming 
the  Pequots  by  a  fmall  Number  of  Englifh  and 
Indians.  Alfo  the  Pequots  were  more  furnimed 
with  Armes  then  before  times  thev  had  been  :  fince 

J 

the  Dutchmen  had  fold  fome  Guns  to  them  ;  and 
befides  their  Bowes  and  Arrows  they  had  an 
Abundance  of  fmall  Hatchets,  and  Mohawgs- ham 
mers2"  made  of  Stone,  yet  God  would  not  fuffer 
them  to  find  their  Hands. 

What  fpecial  A£ts  of  Valour  were  manifefted  by 
any  of  our  Commanders  or  Souldiers  in  this  Expe 
dition,  beyond  what  is  exprefled  in  the  fore -men 
tioned  Narrative,  I  am  not  able  to  Relate ;  Nor 
am  I  (though  willing  that  Mens  Vertues  fhould  be 
duly  acknowledged)  difpofed  to  fay  much  on  thofe 
Accounts,  refpecting  fuch  as  are  yet  alive,  as  know- 
Ing  that  however  it  may  pleafe  fome  by  nourifhing 
a  proud  Humour,  it  would  be  naufeous  to  others, 
and  deemed  adulatory  by  wife  and  impartial  Read 
ers. 

Only  I  remember   Capt.  Davenport  (th/;t  good 

••222  Doubtlefs  what  are  fince  called  maining  thus  for  two  or  three  Years 

War-clubs.     Thefe  were  fometimes  the   Wood   would    become    tightly 

made  by  forcing  a  well  wrought  Stone  bedded  into  a  groove  made  in  the 

of  fome  four  Inches  in  Length,  of  a  Stone,  and  thus  a  very  formidable 

conical    Form    into  a  fmall    green  Weapon  was  produced.     Different 

Tree  near  the  Roots.     After  re-  Tribes  had  different  War  Clubs. 


Man,  who  was  afterwards  Commander  of  the  Caftle 
at  Bofton,  and  there  flain  by  Lightning)22^  once  told 
me,  that  himfelf  with  two  or  three  more,  engaged 
with  no  lefle  than  thirty  Indians,  and  that  there 
were  feventeen  Arrows  mot  into  his  Coat,  but 
having  on  a  Coat  of  Male,  none  of  thofe  Arrows 
hurt  him,  only  one  that  happened  to  ftrike  where 
he  was  not  defended  by  his  Coat.  y 

Alfo  he  refcued  a  poor  Souldier,  that  was  in  ex-  tf 
tream  Danger  of  being  devoured  by  thofe  Wolves  ;  * 
For  two  Maftive-Indians  that  lay  in  Ambufh,  as  a 
Party  of  Souldiers  pafled  by,  fuppofing  they  had 
all  paft,  fnatched  hold  of  him  whom  they  thought 
to  be  the  laft  Man,  and  were  running  away  with 
him  upon  their  Shoulders,  Czpt.  Davenport  followed 
them  with  his  drawn  Cutlam,  but  ftill  as  he  lifted 
up  his  Hand  to  ftrike  at  them  thefe  Gigantine  Sal 
vages  held  up  the  poor  Man  they  were  running 
away  with,  whereby  for  a  while  they  fecured  their 
own  Bodyes  from  the  Blow,  until  at  laft  mfling 
the  Englishman,  Capt.  Davenport  fmote  one  of  the 
Indians,  whereupon  they  threw  down  their  Prey, 
and  ran  for  their  Lives.224 

(ft^  that  giveth  Account  of  this  laft  PafTage, 
doth  alfo  Relate  another  Particular  no  leffpleafant; 
namely,  that  whereas  the  Pequots  obferved,  that 
the  Englim,  being  willing  to  fhow  as  much  Mercy 
as  would  ftand  with  Juftice,  did  only  captivate  and 
not  kill  the  Squaws,  fome  great  Indian  Boyes  would 

22:;  He  was  killed  as  he  lay  upon     Heat  of  the  Day. 
his  Bed,  July  I5th,  1665,  aged  59;  ^ 

having   lain  down  to   Reft  in  the        \*3&ee  anie>  Note  176. 


cry,  /  Squaw,  I  Squaw,  thereby  to  efcape  with  their 
Lives."5 

[54]  But  to  be  Serious,  That  which  Governour 
Winthrop  writeth  in  his  Letter,  publifhed  by  Mr. 
Morton™6  is  very  memorable,  'viz.  that  in  one  Fight 
though  the  Indians  coming  up  clofe  to  our  Men, 
fhot  their  Arrows  thick  upon  them,  fo  as  to  pierce 
their  Hat  brims,  and  their  Sleeves,  and  Stockings, 
and  other  Parts  of  their  Cloaths,  yet  fo  miracu- 
loufly  did  the  Lord  preferve  them,  as  that  (except 
ing  three  that  rafhly  ventured  into  a  Swamp  after 
them)  not  one  of  them  was  wounded.  And  truly 
to  fet  afide  cafual  Confederations,  there  were  two 
Reafons  obvious,  that  may  be  affigned  as  Caufes  of 
that  glorious  and  fpeedy  Succefs,  which  God  gave 
to  the  Euglifh  againft  the  Pequot  Indians. 

1.  Blafphemy  of  thofe  Enemies.     For  fome  of 
them  faid,  that  Englifh  mans  God  was  one  Flye, 
which  execrable  Blafphemy  the  bleffed  God  would 
not  bear  from  thofe  his  Enemies.     Alfo  when  fome 
Englifh  were  cruelly  tortured  to  Death  by  them, 
they  would  in  a  Way  of  Diverfion  bid  them  call 
upon  God  now,  and  blafphemoufly  mock  at  them 
when  they  did  fo.     Therefore  did  the  Lord  bring 
thofe   bloody  Blafphemers  in  a  Moment  down  to 
Hell,  yea,  and  damned  them  above  Ground,  when 
they  lay  frying  in  the  Fire  that  was  kindled  in  their 
Houfes,  and  making  horrible  outcries. 

2.  There  was  a  mighty  Spirit   of  Prayer    and 

ess  With  Mourt's  Relation  before  That  it  might  have  happened  again 

him  the  Author  could  have  feen  that  is  not  altogether  improbable. 
this    Story    had  its  Origin    feveral 
Years    before    the    Pequot    War.         '2'26  In  Morton's  Memorial. 


Faith  then  ftirring,  both  in  thofe  that  ftaid  at 
Home,  and  in  fome  that  ventured  their  Lives  in 
the  high  Places  of  the  Field.  That  -Reverend  Man 
of  God  Mr.  Wilfon,  (who  excelled  in  thofe  Graces 
of  Faith  and  Love)  went  forth  with  the  Souldiers 
that  went  from  this  Colony.  I  think  I  have  my- 
felf  heard  him  fay,  (or  if  I  have  not,  others  have) 
that  he  'was  before  he  'went  out,  as  certain  that 
God  would  give  the  Englifh  the  Victory  over  thofe 
Enemies,  as  if  he  hadfeen  the  Vittory  already  obteined. 
Such  great  Faith  did  the  Lord  ftir  up  in  the  Heart 
of  that  Holy  Man,  and  of  other  his  Servants ;  and 
by  Faith  did  they  turn  to  Fight  the  Armyes  of  the 
Aliens.  So  then,  thofe  Enemies  being  fubdued,  in 
fuch  Wayes  and  by  fuch  Means  as  hath  been  ex- 
preiTed,  the  Terror  of  God  fell  upon  all  the  Heathen 
round  about,  and  the  Englifh  were  dreadful  to 
them  :  when  they  heard  that  the  Englim  had  (lain, 
and  taken  Captive  feven  hundred  Indians,  and 
killed  thirteen  Sachims  (who  are  their  Kings)  there 
was  no  more  Spirit  left  in  them.  The  Pequots  beft 
Friends  were  afraid  to  receive  fuch  as  fled  to  them 
for  Refuge.  But  happy  was  he  counted  that  could 
make  Friendmip  with  the  Englim,  ib  that  two  of 
the  Sachims  in  Long- I/la  no*227  came  to  that  worthy 
Gentleman  Captain  (afterwards  Lieut.  Colonel) 


~~7Thefe  were  the  Sachems,  with 
out  Doubt,  induced  to  aid  the  Eng 
lifh  by  Lt.  Gardiner.  The  Name 
of  one  of  them  was  Waiandance. 
Winthrop  fays,  "  the  Indians  about 
"  fent  in  ftill  many  Pequot's  Heads 

Y 


'  and  Hands  from  Long  Ifland  and 

'  other    Places,    and    Sachems    of 

'  Long  Ifland  came  voluntarily,  and 

'  brought  a  Tribute  to  us  of  twenty 

Fathom   of  Wampum,    each  of 

them."     Journal,  i,  247. 


[  '86  ] 

Stougbton  "8  entreating  that  they  might  be  under 
our  Protection.  Alfo  two  of  the  Napannet  Sachims, 
addrefled  themfelves  to  Governour  Winthrop,  [55] 
feeking  to  be  in  Favour  with  the  Englim.  Thefe 
Things  deferve  to  be  mentioned  among  the  Mag- 
nalia  Dei,  which  he  hath  wrought  for  his  New- 
England-  People. 

Matters  being  again  reduced  to  this  peaceable 
State,  that  Land  refted  from  War,  and  that  for  the 
Space  of  almoft  forty  Years  together.  Howbeit 
Jealoufies  amongft  the  Englifh  grounded  upon 
Treacheries  and  Confpiracies  amongft  the  Indians, 
(and  fome  particular  AcT:s  of  Hoftility  and  Out 
rages  by  them  committed)  there  have  been,  more 
than  once  or  twice,  fince  the  Pequot-  Troubles  were 
ended. 

For  in  Anno  1638,  the  publick  Peace  was  en 
dangered  by  Occafion  of  a  Murder  committed  by 
an  Englim  man  upon  an  Indian.  Thus  it  was, 
One  Arthur  Peach  a  young  Defperado,  who  had 
been  a  Souldier  in  the  Pequot  War,  and  done  notable 
Service,  being  bold  and  forward  in  any  defperate 
Attempt,  after  he  was  returned  Home  he  was  loth 
to  go  to  Work,  wherefore  he  refolved  to  go  to  the 
Dutch  Plantation,  and  enticed  three  Perfons,  that 
were  other  Mens  Servants,  to  run  away  with  him. 
As  they  were  travailing  through  the  Woods,  they 
met  a  Narraganfet' Indian y  and  defired  him  to  take 

229  fjjs     Lieut.   Colonelcy   was  turn  again  to  New-England.     He 

obtained  in  England;  he  having  re-  was  Father  of  William  Stoughton, 

turned  to  that  Country  and  ferved  Ll.  Governor  and  Chief  Juftice  of 

in  the  Civil  War.     He  did  not  re-  Maflachufetts. 


[  '87  ] 

a  Pipe  of  Tobacco,  which  the  Indian  was  willing 
to  do,  Peach  told  his  Comrades,  he  would  kill  him ; 
they  were  afraid  to  do  that,  but  let  him  alone  to 
do  as  he  would.  When  he  faw  his  Time,  he  ran 
the  Indian  through  with  his  Rapier,  and  took  away 
his  Wampam  from  him,  fuppofing  he  had  left  him 
dead,  but  after  they  were  gone,  the  Indian  made  a 
Shift  to  get  Home,  where  he  dyed  of  his  Wound 
within  few  Dayes  ;  But  told  other  Indians  that  fuch 
and  fuch  Englim-men  had  mortally  wounded  him  ; 
The  Sacbims  therefore  prefently  found  out  thefe 
Men  (only  one  of  them  efcaped)  who  had  done  the 
Murder,  and  carried  them  away  to  the  English  at 
Aquidnet  Ifland,  where  they  were  examined  and 
committed.  In  the  mean  Time  the  Narraganfets 
were  about  to  rife  in  Arms,  fome  of  them  conceiv 
ing  that  they  mould  find  the  Pequots  Words  true, 
that  the  Englim  would  fall  upon  them,  now  the 
other  were  vanquished.  To  be  (hort,  the  Murder 
being  confefled  by  the  Partyes  guilty,  the  Court  in 
Plymouth  did  by  Advice  from  Magiftrates  and 
Elders  in  the  Bay,  condemn  and  fee  Execution 
done  upon  thofe  three  Eng/t/b  men  for  murdering 
that  one  Indian ;  whereupon  the  other  Indians 
magnifyed  the  Juftice  which  they  law  among  the 
Englifhy  and  Peace  was  continued.229  Yet  after 
this  new  Fears  and  Troubles  did  arife  upon  other 

220  The  three  Englifhmen  were         An  exceedingly  interefting  Letter 

executed   at  Plymouth,   Sept.  4th,  of  Roger  Williams,    detailing   the        * 

1638.   Their  Names  were — Arthur  Particulars  of  the  Murder  maybe 

Peach,  Thomas  Jackfon  and  Rich-  feen  in  the  Ma/s.  Hift.  Colls.,  Vol. 

ard  Slinnings.  21,  p.  170,  &c. 


Accounts.  For  although  the  Narraganfefs,  and 
the  Moheags  did  Anno  1638.  come  under  folemn 
Promife  that  they  would  not  engage  in  a  War, 
either  amongft  themfelves,  or  with  other  Indians, 
until  they  had  advifed  with,  and  obtained  Approba 
tion  [56]  from  the  Englim.  Nevertheleis  Mianto- 
nirno,  the  chief  Narraganjet  Sachim,  was  continually 
picking  Quarrels  with  the  Moheags,  defigning  to 
make  them  become  his  VaiTals.  Some  (viz.  Mr. 
Gorges  and  Mr.  "Johnfonf^  have  related  that  Mian- 
tonimo  was  fet  on  by  certain  vagabond  Englifh, 
known  by  the  Name  of  Gortonians^1  who  being 
deep  Apoftates  from,  and  bitter  Enemies  unto  the 
Wayes  of  Chrift,  profefled  by  our  Fathers,  might 
eafily  be  induced  to  animate  Motions  of  that 
Nature.  However  Miantonimo  chofe  rather  to  ac- 
complim  his  Ends  upon  the  Moheags  by  Treachery, 
*"  than  by  open  War;  and  hired  a  Pequot  Indian  who 
was  fubjected  to  Vncas  (the  Moheags  Sacbim)  to 
afTaffinate  him  that  was  become  his  Lord,  which 
the  Indian  attempted  accordingly;  infomuch  as  on 
a  certain  Evening  as  Vncas  was  paffing  from  one 
Wigwam  to  another,  he  was  (hot  into  the  Arm  by 

230  This   Confufion   of  Authors  Reference    as    if    there    were    two 

*    requires    fome  Elucidation.     John-  Works.     See  Prince,  Preface  to  his 

fon's    Wonderworking    Pr  evidence,  Ann  ah 
&c.,    printed  in  London  in    1654, 

appears  to  have  been  taken  by  Sir          a31  For  a  rational   View  of  the 

Ferdinando    Gorges    the    younger,  much   abufed    Gortonians    and  the 

who  by  cancelling  its  Title-page  and  more  abufed  Narraganfet  Chief  Mi- 

fubftituting  one  with  his  own  Name  antonimo,  the  Reader  is  referred  to 

as  Author,  impofed  upon  the  Public,  the  able  and  lucid  Pages  of  the  Hif- 

It  would  feem  that  our  Author  was  tory  of  Rhode  IJland,  by  Gov.  Ar- 

aware  of  the  Fa£l,  and  yet  makes  a  nold,  Vol.  i,  115,  et,feq. 


an  Arrow,  but  recovered   the  Houfe  he  intended 
without  receiving  further  Hurt.**2 

The  Indian  who  was  fufpected  about  this  Matter, 
being  called  to  an  Account  about  a  great  Sum  of 
Wampam-peag,  by  him  poffefled,  could  not  give  any 
tolerable  Account,  how  he  came  by  his  Money, 
which  augmented  Jealoufies  of  his  being  hired  by 
Miantonimo  to  kill  Vncas.  Vncas  then  made  his 
Complaint  to  the  Englim ;  the  Iffue  was,  that 
Miantonimo  and  the  fufpected  Indian  came  to  Bofton, 
where  he  was  examined,  at  firft  in  the  Prefence  of 
Miantonimo,  by  whofe  Help  he  had  framed  an 
Artificial  Lye,  faying  that  one  Night  as  he  came 
out  of  a  thick  Swamp,  Vncas  defired  him  to  fay  that 
he  was  hired  by  Miantonimo  to  kill  Vncas,  and  that 
therefore  he  cut  his  Arm  with  the  Flint  of  his  Gun, 
that  Men  might  think  he  had  been  (hot  with  an 
Arrow.  This  pittiful  Story  made  the  Englim  fufpect 
Miantonimo  more  vehemently  than  ever,  and  upon  a 
further  private  Examination  (much  againft  Mian- 
tonimo's  Mind)  they  faw  Caufe  to  believe  that  he 
was  fecretly  defigning  Mifchief  againft  the  Englim, 
as  well  as  againft  Vncas.  Neverthelefs,  it  was 
thought  beft  to  difmifs  him  for  the  prefent,  only 
with  an  Engagement  to  remit  the  fufpe&ed  Pequot 

32  It  is  fcarcely  neceflary  to  re-  Perfecutors  of  Roger  Williams  and 

mark,  after  the  Reference  in  the  laft  his  Followers,  becaufe  he  was  always 

Note,  that  from  exifting  Documents  ready  to  do  their  Bidding,  right  or 

the  Reverfe  of  what  our  Author  has  wrong  ;  while  Miantonimo  adhered 

delivered  is  the  Truth ;  Uncas  was  to  the  Treaty  he  had  made  at  Bof- 

the  Scamp  and  Miantonimo  was  the  ton,  in  the  Beginning  of  the  Pequot 

upright  and  honourable  Man.     But  War.  There  mould  be  written  a  Life 

Uncas's  Sins  were   forgiven  by  the  of  the  much  injured  Miantonimo. 


to  his  Matter  Fncas :  He  contrary  to  his  Promife, 
as  he  was  returning  Home  cut  off  the  poor  Pequots 
Head,  whereby  he  was  made  uncapable  of  difcover- 
ing  any  thing  further  about  Matters  between 
Miantonimo  and  him. 

Being  come  Home,  he  forthwith  refolveth  to  be 
revenged  upon  Vncas,  and  with  a  thoufand  Narra- 
ganfets  gave  him  Battel,  but  the  Moheags  (though 
not  half  their  Number)  worfted  the  Narragansets, 
and  took  Miantonimo ',  their  chief  Sachem,  Pri- 
ioner,  and  brought  him  to  the  Town  of  Hartford^ 
defiring  Advice  from  the  Englim  concerning  the 
Difpoial  of  him.  The  Commiffioners  of  the  United 
Colonyes  [57]  conlidering  that  Miantonimo  had 
fhed  Blood  by  railing  an  unjuft  War  againft  the 
Mobeags  their  Friends,  to  whom  they  had  engaged 
Protection,  and  that  he  was  treacherous  to  the 
Engliih,  and  Peace  not  like  to  be  fettled  among 
the  Indians,  nor  continued  with  the  Englim  except 
he  were  difpatched  (together  with  fome  other 
Reafons,  more  fully  exprefled  in  the  Declaration 
publimed  by  the  Commiffioners,  Anno  i645-)Z33 
they  counfelled  Tineas  to  put  him  to  Death,  withal 
prohibiting  him  to  ule  any  Crueltyes  in  the  Manner 
of  his  Execution,  it  being  cuftomary  with  barbar 
ous  Indians  (who  like  their  Father  the  Devil  are 
delighted  in  Crueltyes)  to  put  their  Enemies  to  the 

a33  This  "  Declaration"  may  be  &c.     It  would  feem  that  the  Com- 

feen  in   the    Records  of  the  United  miffioners  publifhed  it  at  the  Time, 

Colonies,  i,  50,  &c.,  as   printed  by  but  if  fo  I  have  never  met  with  a  Copy. 

the  State  of  Maflachufetts,    1859;  It  is   by  no  means  the  conclufive 

alfo  in  Hazard's  tiift.  Colls.,  ii,  48,  Argument  for  which  it  was  intended. 


greateft  Tortures  they  can  devife,  when  they  kill 
them.23*  The  Advice  was  followed.  Vncas  led 
away  Miantonimo  as  if  he  would  carry  him  to  an 
other  Place,  for  Cuftody  and  Safety,  and  by  the 
Way  very  fairly  cut  off  his  Head,  as  he  not  a  Year 
before  had  ferved  one  of  Vncas  his  Men.*3*  Thefe 
Things  hapned  Anno  1643. 


234 1  apprehend  it  will  not  be  diffi 
cult   for  future  Hiftorians  to  deter 
mine  which  had  the  largeft  Share  of 
the  Devil  in  them,  thofe  who  ad- 
vifed  the  Murder  of  Miantonimo  or 
thofe  who  committed  it.     The  Re 
cord    of  the  Dealings    againft   the 
noble  Indian  Chief  by  our  People, 
forms  one  of  the  blackeft  Pages  in 
the  Hiftory  of  New  England.    Mr. 
Arnold  fays  (Hift.  R.  /.,  i,  117), 
"  A  juftly  fevere  Criticifm  on  the 
"  Authors  of  the  Outrage  is  penned 
"  by  Mr.  Savage  [in  his  Edition  of 
'  Wintbrop's  Journal].  The  fcath- 
'  ing  Remarks  of  the  Editor,  hon- 
'  curable    alike  to  himfelf  and  to 
'  humanity,     come    with   a   better 
Grace  from  a  Maflachufetts  Man 
'  than  any  Comments  from  a  Son 
'  of  Rhode  Ifland  could  do — who 
'  will  find    enough    befides  to  de- 
'  nounce    in   the  Conduft   of  the 
'  Puritans  towards  his  State,  although 
'  nothing  more  needleflly  cruel  than 
'  the  clerico-judicial  Murder  here 
*  recorded."     See  alfo  Gov.  Hop- 
kins's  Remarks  in  Mafs.  Hift.  Colls., 
xix,  202. 

My  own  Comments,  with  all  the 
Particulars  of  this  Tranfaftion  and 
the  Caufes  which  led  to  it,  will  be 
found  in  the  Book  of  the  Indians. 


235  Xne  fince  well  known  Sachems 
Plain  near  Norwich  is  the  Place 
of  the  Murder  of  Miantonimo,  as  it 
was  the  Place  where  the  Battle  was 
fought  in  which  he  was  taken  Pri- 
foner.  A  fquare  Block  of  Granite 
marks  the  Spot  where  it  is  fuppofed 
he  was  buried.  For  many  Years 
after  the  rude  Interment  of  the  noble 
Chief,  a  conical  Heap  of  Stones 
marked  the  Site  of  his  Remains. 
That  Monument  was  raifed  by  the 
Indians,  who,  from  the  Time  of 
Miantonimo's  Death  to  a  compara 
tively  recent  Period,  always  in  pafl~- 
ing  his  Grave  placed  a  Stone  upon 
the  Pile.  But  when  the  Englifli 
fettled  about  Norwich,  the  Land 
was  cleared,  and  the  Monument 
to  Miantonimo  was  removed  and 
ufed  in  creeling  a  ftone  Fence.  I 
vifited  Sachem's  Plain  many  Years 
ago,  and  fought  for  the  Sachem's 
Grave,  but  nothing  marked  its  Site. 
On  inquiring  of  a  neighboring 
Farmer  if  he  could  tell  me  where 
the  Grave  of  Miantonimo  was,  faid 
"  he  could  not,  but  he  had  heard 
"  that  an  old  Indian  was  buried 
"  over  there  fomewhere "-  point 
ing  to  an  indefinite  Part  of  the  Plain. 
It  is  quite  remarkable  that  our 
Author  takes  no  Notice  of  the  War 


In  the  next  Year  the  Peace  of  two  of  thefe 
Colonies,  viz,  thofe  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven 
was  difturbed  by  the  Indians**6 

For,  firft  an  Englim  man  running  away  from  his 
Matter,  out  of  the  Majfacbujets  was  murdered  in 
the  Woods  near  Connecticut  by  an  Indian ;  and 
about  fix  Weeks  after  was  difcovered  by  another 
Indian,  a  Sagamore  in  thofe  Parts  promifed  to  de 
liver  the  Murderer  bound  to  the  Englim;  and 
having  brought  him  to  Vncaway  a  Connecticut 
Sachim,  he  was  there  unbound  it  leems  by  their 
joynt  Confent,  and  left  to  Shift  for  himfelf  where 
upon  ten  Englim  men,  who  were  forthwith  fent  by 
Mr.  Ludlow  to  the  Place,  feeing  the  Murderer  was 
efcaped,  laid  hold  on  eight  Indians  there  prefent, 
amongft  whom  there  was  a  Sagamore  or  two,  and 
kept  them  in  hold  two  Dayes,  until  four  Sagamores 
ingaged  themfelves  within  one  Moneth  to  deliver 
the  Malefactor  to  Juftice ;  About  a  Week  after 
which  Agreement  an  Indiam  came  prefumptuoufly, 
and  in  the  Day  time  murderoufly  afTaulted  an 

of  1643,  in  which  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  "  New  Haven  for  fome  of  his  Con- 

and  her  Family  were  maflacred.     I  "  du6l  in  the  Pequot  War."     And 

have  given  the  Events  in  the  Book  Mr.  Goodwin   has   copied  a  Court 

of  the  Indians,  and  it  is  therefore  un-  Record    fliowing    that    the    Indian 

neceflary  to  recount  them  here.    See  hanged  was  named  Nepaupuck,  and 

alfo  Dr.  O'Callaghan's  Narrative.  that  he  was  proved  to  have  been  one 

of  thofe  who  committed  the  Murders 

236  The  Records  of  Connefticut  at    Wethersfield    in   April,    1637, 

and  New  Haven  appear  to  be  filent  which  brought  on  the  Pequot  War. 

refpefting  any  Troubles  of  the  Na-  See    Foote    Genealogy,    xxv.      See 

ture  here  indicated ;  but  Dr.  Dwight  Note     138.      The    Indian     called 

fays  in  his  Hifl.  of  N.  Haven,  35  :  Wampbanck  by  Roger  Williams  is 

"  Sept    30,   a  Pequot  is  hanged  at  doubtlefs  the  fame  as  Nepaupuck. 


Englim  Woman  in  an  Houfe  in  Stamford  and  by 
three  Wounds  (fuppofed  mortal)  left  her  for  dead> 
and  robbed  the  Houfe.z37  The  Indians  generally 
in  thofe  Parts  demeaned  themfelves  after  an  hoftile 
Manner,  refufed  to  come  to  the  Englifh*  or  to  attend 
Treaties  of  Peace,  departed  from  their  Wigwams, 
left  their  Corn  unweeded,  and  mot  off  Guns  near 
fome  Englim  Plantations  in  a  tumultuary  Way, 
and  fome  Indians  informed  that  there  was  a  Pur- 
pofe  to  fall  upon  the  Englim ;  fo  that  there  was 
Watching  and  Warding  Day  and  Night.  New- 
Haven  and  Hartford  were  fent  unto,  that  Relief 
might  be  afforded  the  weaker  Towns,  alfo  Appli 
cation  was  made  to  the  other  Colonyes  for  Affift- 
ance.  At  laft  the  Indians  were  perfwaded  to 
deliver  the  Murderers  up  to  Juftice.  So  did  thefe 
dark  Clouds  blow  over. 

[58]  Neverthelefs,  in  this  Year  (viz.  in  Anno 
1644.)  the  Rage  of  the  Narraganjets  againfl  the 
Moheags  did  break  out  again  in  greater  Violence 
than  ever  before,  infomuch  that  Vncas  was  forced 
to  betake  himfelf  to  a  Fort,  and  was  there  fur- 
rounded  with  Multitudes  of  thofe  Indians.2*8  The 
Englim  thought  it  their  Concern,  not  to  fuffer 

237  According  to  a  Record  made  in  the  End  of  Auguft,  1 644. 
by  Winthrop  in  his    Journal,  this 

was  a  moft  foul  Attempt  to  murder         238  A  pretty  cdfrecl:  Notion  of  the 

an  unfufpefting  Woman  by  an  Indian  Severity  of  the  Fighting  between  the 

named  Bujheage.     He  was   after-  Narraganfets  and  Mohegans  may  be 

wards  tried  and   executed,  though  obtained  from  a  Letter  of  Thomas 

the  Woman  furvived  her  Wounds,  Peters,    printed  from    the  original 

but   loft    her   Senfes.      Hoadley's  MS,  in  the  Book  of  the  Indians,  133. 

New  Haven  Col.  Records,  i,   135,  See  alfo  Johnfon,  Wonder  Working 

146.    This  Attempt  at  Murder  was  Providences,  184-5. 

z 


him,  to  be  fwallowed  up  by  thofe  Adverfaryes, 
fince  he  had  (though  for  his  own  Ends)  approved 
himfelf  Faithful  to  the  Englifh  from  Time  to  Time. 
The  Narraganfets  perceiving  that  the  Englifh  did 
(as  they  had  Reafon  to)  favour  Tncas,  began  to  be 
high  and  infolent  in  their  Expreflions  and  Actions, 
threatning  to  deftroy  the  Englifh  (only  as  to  the 
Englifh  at  Povidence  and  Rhode-IJland  the  Narra- 
ganfet  Sacbims  concluded  a  Neutrality)  as  well  as 
the  Moheags*™ 

Before  thefe  Things,  there  being  four  Colonyes 
of  Englifh  Inhabitants  fettled  in  this  Country,  viz. 
Maffacbufets,  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and  New-Haven, 
(which  is  fince  become  a  Part  of  Connecticut 
Colony)  who  were  fenfible  of  the  common  Danger 
they  were  expofed  unto,  by  Reafon  of  Indians 
throughout  this  Land,  as  alfo  in  that  Dutch  and 
Swedes,  and  French  had  feated  themfelves  not  far 
off,  who  might  fome  of  them  probably  prove  evil 
Neighbours,  and  withal  confidering  that,  as  he  in 
the  famous  Poet  expreffeth. 


2ufjwpepr»j  (Taper*)  ireXsi  av<5p<3  xa/  fjuxXa  \wypuv 
Nwi  SI  xaiY  ayadoio'iv'  sifisan^s<f6a 


Vis  unita  fortior,  if  they  were  all  Confederate  it 
would  tend  to  the  Safety  of  the  Whole  :    Articles 


239  It  was  fufficient  Caufe  for 
Maflachufetts  to  declare  War  againft 
the  Narraganfets,  that  the  latter 
were  the  Friends  of  the  People 
of  Rhode  Ifland  and  Providence. 
Upon  the  fad  Conclufion  of  this 


tonomi  and  his  Uncle,  the  fage 
Canonicus,  who  furvived  him  four 
Years,  Rhode  Ifland  owes  more 
than  to  all  others,  Chriftian  or 
Heathen,  for  the  Prefervation  of 
the  Lives  of  her  Founders." 


War,  and  the  Death  of  Miantonimo,     Hift.  Rhode  IJland,  i,  1 1 8.     This 
Mr.  Arnold  remarks :  "  To  Mian-     Dccifion  will  probably  (land. 


[  '95  ] 

of  Confederation  were  agreed  upon,  whence  thefe 
were  called  the  Vnited  Colonyes  :a4°  And  now  was 
there  an  Opportunity  for  them  to  Acl:  as  became 
fuch  ;  wherefore  each  of  the  Colonyes  did  propor- 
tionably  firft  fend  out  Souldiers  to  keep  Garrifon 
with  Vncas,  and  after  that  raifed  an  Army  in  order 
to  War  with  the  Narraganfets**1 

When  a  War  was  with  good  Advice24*  con 
cluded  on,  forty  Men  were  immediately  fent  out  of 
the  Maffachufets  to  relieve  Vncas,  who  upon  the 
departure  of  ConneEiicut  Souldiers  (their  Time  ap 
pointed  them  to  keep  Garrifon  with  Vncas  being 
expired)  was  prefently  fet  upon  by  the  Narraganfets; 
but  further  Attempts  upon  him  were  prevented  by 
the  coming  of  thofe  from  the  Maffachufets.  Alfo 
before  the  other  Colonyes  could  expedite  what 
concerned  the  whole  Defign,  Forces  were  fent  out  of 
Plymouth  under  the  Command  of  Capt.  Standijh, 
and  marched  as  far  as  Rehohotb,  that  being  near  the 
Borders  of  the  Enemy. 

That  worthy  Commander,  Major  Edward  Gib- 

240  Deputies  from  the  four  Colo-  and  William  Collyer  were  fent  as 

nies  met  at  Bofton,  and  the  Articles  Commiffioners  from  Plymouth,  and 

of  Confederation  were  figned  on  the  thofe  for  the  other  Colonies  were 

I  pth  of  May,  1643.     Thofe  Depu-  the  fame  as  before.     Winthrop  was 

ties  were — JOHN  WINTHROP,  Gov-  Prefident. 
ernor   of    Maflachufetts,    THOMAS 

DUDLEY,   GEORGE  FENWICK,  THE-         241  It  was  ordered  by  the  Com- 

OPHILUS  EATON,  EDWARD  HOPKINS,  miffioners  of  the  United  Colonies, 

and  THOMAS  GREGSON.  that  Maflachufetts  mould  raife  100 

At  the  Meeting  of  the  Commif-  Men  ;  the  other  Colonies  each  45. 
fioners  at  Bofton  on  the  yth  of  Sept. 

following,  the  Fate  of  Miantonimo         242  This  has   Reference  to   the 

was  determined.    Edward  Winflow  Advice  of  the  Miniftcrs. 


[  '96  ] 

was  appointed  a  General.  Mr. 
Paftor  of  the  Church  in  Braintree,  being  in  [59] 
diverfe  Refpe<5ts  eminently  fitted  for  fuch  a  Service, 
was  to  found  the  filver  Trumpet  along  with  this 
Army.  They  did  folemnly  take  their  Leave  of  their 
Friends,  and  were  folemnly  commended  to  the 
Bleffing  of  the  God  of  Armies :  But  as  they  were 
juft  marching  out  of  Bofton,  (their  Baggage  being 
fent  before  towards  the  Enemies  Quarters)  many  of 
the  principal  Narraganfet  Indians,  viz,  Pejficus, 
MexanOy  and  Witawajk  Sagamores,  and  Awafequin 
Deputy  for  the  Nianticks ;  thefe  with  a  large  Train 
came  to  Bo/Ion,  fuing  for  Peace,  being  willing  to 
fubmit  to  what  Terms  the  Englifh  mould  fee  caufe 
to  impofe  upon  "them.24* 

It  was  demanded  of  them  that  they  mould  de 
fray  the  Charges  that  they  had  put  the  Englifh  to,246 

243  Gen.  Gibbons  was  in  New  the  Poet  and  Mathematician.  There 
England  in  1639,  but  how,  whence  is  a  Pedigree  of  the  Family  in  the 
or  where  he  came  is  not  certain.  New  Eng.  Hift.  and  Gen.  Regifter, 
He  appears  to  have  been  among  the  xv,  112-116.     William  Tompfon 
Colonifts   who   came  early  to  the  died  10  Dec.,  1666. 

fbuth  Shore  of  Maflachuietts  Bay, 

poflefled  a  good    Eftate   for  thofe         245  Some  Additions  to  thefe  Fafts 

Times.     Settled   in  Bofton  where  may  be  found  in  the  Book  of  the 

he  held  various  honorable  Offices,  Indians,  133-4. 
and  had  a  Family  of  Children.  He 

died  1654.     Johnfon   gives   him  a         246  This  feems  to  have  been  a 

high  Charafter.     See  Won.  Work,  prepofterous  Demand,  as  the  Indians 

Prov.  191.  were  notorioufly  without  any  Means 

to  perform   fuch    Obligations.     In 

244  Members  of  this  Family  ufually  Cafe  of  War  with   them  Johnfon 
fpelled  their  Name  Tompfon.     Mr.  fays :  "  The   naked    Natives   have 
Tompfon  was  one  of  the  moft  dif-  "  neither  Plunder  nor  Cam  to  bear 
tinguifhed  Minifters in  New  England.  "  the  Charges."    Wonder  Working 
He  was  the  Father  of  the  not  lefs  Prov.,   182.     Perhaps  their  Land 
diftinguifhed    Benjamin   Tompfon,  was  in  Profpeft. 


[  '97  ] 

and  that  the  Sachims  fhould  fend  their  Sons  to  be 
kept  as  Hoftages  in  the  Hands  of  the  Englifh  until 
fuch  Time  as  the  Money  fhould  be  payed.  AH!  this 
did  the  Narraganfets  yeild  unto. 

Mel  in  ore,  verb  a  lactis  Pel  in  corde  fratls  in  faff  is.. 

Notwithftanding  the  Narraganfets  have  dif- 
fembled  Friendfhip  with  the  Englifh,  yet  Venome 
hath  been  in  their  Hearts  ever  fmce  thefe  Motions  : 
Nor  was  there  any  other  then  Fides*  Grteca  ob- 
ferved  by  them,,  in  the  performance  of  their 
Engagements. 

In  the  firft  Place  they  endeavoured  to  play 
Leger  de  main  in  their  fending  Hoftages.  For  inftead 
of  Sachems  Children,  they  thought  to  fend  fome 
other,  and  to  make  the  Englifh  believe  thofe  bafe 
Papoofes,  were  of  royal  Progeny,  but  they  had  thofe 
to  deal  with,  who  were  too  Wife  to  be  fo  eluded. 
After  the  expected  Hoftages^  were  in  the  Hands  of 
the  Englifh,  the  Narraganfets,  notwithstanding 
that,  were  flow  in  the  Performance  of  what  they 
flood  engaged  for.  And  when  upon  a  partial  Dif- 
charge  of  the  Debt,  their  Hoftages  were  reftored 
to  them,  they  became  more  backward  than  form 
erly,  until  they  were  by  hoftile  Preparations  again 
and  again  terrified  into  better  Obedience.  '  At  laft 
Major  Atherton,  (then  Capt.  Atherton]  of  Dor- 
chefter247  was  fent  with  a  fmall  Party  of  Englifh 
Souldiers  to  demand  what  was  due.  He  at  firft 

247  Major  Atherton    was    acci-  Home  from  a  military  Parade,  June 

dentally  lulled  by  his  Horfe  ftum-  i6th,  1661.     See  Hifi.  and  Antiqs. 

bling  over  a  Cow  in  the  Dufk  of  Bojlon,  361 ;  N.  Eng.  Hift.  Gen.- 

the  Evening,  as  he  was  returning  Reg.,  ii,  382 ;  v,  393. 


C  '98  ] 

entered  into  the  Wigwam  where  old  Ninnigret  (the 
Nyantick  Sachim)  refided,  with  only  two  or  three 
Souldiers,  appointing  the  Reft  by  Degrees  to  follow 
him,  two  or  three  dropping  in  at  once,  when  his 
frnall  Company  were  come  about  him  that  Indians 
in  the  meantime  fuppofing  that  there  had  been 
many  more  behind,  he  caught  the  Sachim  by  the 
Hair  of  his  Head,  and  fet  a  Piftol  to  his  Breaft,  pro- 
tefting  who  ever  elcaped,  he  mould  furely  dy,  if  he 
did  not  forthwith  comply  with  what  was  required. 
Hereupon  a  great  Trembling  and  Confternation 
furprized  the  Indians,  albeit  Multitudes  of  them 
were  then  prefent,  with  fpiked  Arrows248  at  their 
Bow  firings  ready  to  let  fly.  The  Event  was,  the 
Indians  [60]  fubmitted  and  not  one  Drop  of  Blood 
was  fhed;  nor  was  there  (fo  far  as  I  am  informed) 
after  this  any  open  Difcovery  of  Enmity  in  the 
Narraganfets  againft  the  Englifti  until  fuch  Time 
as  Philip  began  his  great  Rebellion.  Yet  it  is 
evident  that  there  hath  been  Treachery,  and  fecret 
Treaibn  againft  the  Englifh,  amongft  them. 

Aftutum  vapido  fervant  fub  peflore  Vulpem. 

I  have  been  told  that  a  Man  of  God  (viz.  Mr. 
StreetJ-w  who  formerly  lived  not  far  from  thofe 
Parts)  obferving  the  Perfidioufnefs  of  thofe  Narra- 

248  After  the  Indians  became  ac-  mentioned  in  the  Text. 
quainted  with  Europeans  they  pro 
cured  of  them  by  Purchafe  whatever  249  Mr.  Nicholas  Street  of  New 
they  could  of  Iron.     Nails,  Spikes,  Haven  was  early  fettled  in  Taunton, 
iron  Hoops  were  greatly  coveted.  Maflachufetts,  but  removed  to  New 
They  foon  found  the  Superiority  of  Haven,  and  died  there,  April  22d, 
their  Arrows  when   pointed  with  1674.     Emery's  Mini/try  ofTaun- 
Iron.  Hence  the  "  fpiked  Arrows,"  ton,  i,  156-7. 


ganfets,  and  their  Enmity  againft  the  Gofpel, 
publickly  declared  that  he  forefaw  the  Destruction 
of  the  Narraganfet  Nation,  folemnly  confirming 
his  Speech  in  laying,  If  God  do  not  deftroy  that 
People^  then  fay  that  his  Spirit  hath  not  fpoken  by  me. 

Surely  that  holy  Man  was  a  Prophet,  Mdrftg 
y  aptaJoa  ogtcr  ewca£et  xaXc5$.  %ui  bene  conjiciet  hunc 
Vatem.  And  this  is  a  fummary  Account  of  what 
hath  in  former  Years  hapned  between  us  and  the 
Narraganfets. 

Confidering  that  the  Narraganfet  troubles  have 
been  of  no  fmall  Concernment,  it  would  be  worth 
the  while  a  little  more  fully  to  relate  the  Truth 
about  thofe  Motions.  Only  it  is  already  done  in 
good  Part  by  that  Declaration  which  was  publifhed 
by  the  Commiflioners  of  the  United  Colonies, 
Anno.  1645.  (together  with  the  Articles  then  con- 
fented  unto,  arid  fubfcribed  by  the  Narraganfet 
Sachims2*0).  Who  fo  pleafeth  to  confult  thofe 
Things  will  receive  Satisfaction  concerning  the 
War  which  was  at  that  Time  fully  intended,  but 
not  actually  profecuted  by  Reafon  of  the  Indians 
Complyance  as  hath  been  fpecified. 

In  Anno  1646.  They  failed  in  the  Performance 
of  their  Covenants,  above  exprefled,  as  to  every 
Particular  therein  contained.2*1 

It  is  alfo  evident  that  they  had  by  prefents  ot 
Wampam  been  practicing  with  the  Mohawks,  and 

250  Contained  in  Plymouth  Co-     Comings  of  the  Indians  are  fet  down 
lony  Records,  ix,  47-8.  in  the  Records  of  the  Commijjioners 

of  the    United  Colonies,  Plymouth 
841  All  the  Allegations  of  the  fhort     Col.  Records,  ix,  75-6. 


[    200    ] 

other  Indians  to  engage  them  againft  Vncas,  unto 
whom  they  knew  the  Englifli  had  promifcd  Pro 
tection.  So  that  the  Englifh  according  to  the 
Rules  of  Righteoufnefs,  might  have  righted  them- 
felves  by  the  Juftice  of  War,  yet  being  defirous 
rather  to  manifeft  Long-fufFering  towards  thefe 
Barbarians,  the  Commiffioners  of  the  United  Colo 
nies  contented  themfelves  with  fending  a  Declara 
tion  to  the  Narraganfet  and  Niantick  Indians, 
fignifying  that  they  mould  no  longer  delay  the 
Performance  of  what  they  had  bound  themfelves 
unto,  as  ever  they  would  not  be  look'd  upon  as  a 
treacherous  and  perfidious  People,  no  more  to  be 
treated  with.*52 


252  At  the  Meeting  of  the  Com- 
miflioners  of  the  United  Colonies  at 
Bofton  on  the  26th  of  Jnly,  1647, 
they  fay :  "  One  principal!   Caufe 
'  of  their  meetinge  together  at  this 
'  Time    being   to    confider    what 
'  Courfe  mould  be  held  with  the 
'  Narraganfett   Indyans   and  their 
*  Confederates  who  haue  not  onely 
'  broken    their    Coven*    folemnly 
'  made  at  Bofton  A°  1645,  But  as 
'  the  Commiffioners  haue  been  en- 
(  formed  credibly,  haue  bene  plot- 
tinge  by  p'fents  of  Wampam,  in- 
'  gaging  the  Indyans  rounde  aboute 
'  to    combine   with   them   againft 
'  the  Englim  Colonies  in   War." 
Therefore  it  was  refolved  to  fend 
Meflengers  to  them,  who  were  in- 
ftrufted  to  afcertain  why  they  had 
not  fulfilled  their  Agreement.    The 
Meflengers  were  Thomas  Stanton, 
Benedict    Arnold,    and    Seargeant 
Waite.     On  the  31  ft  of  July  they 


made  their  Report :  That  they  had 
feen  Paflacus,  the  Chief  of  the  Nar- 
raganfets,  and  that  he  made  divers 
Excufes  for  not  performing  his  En 
gagements.  One  of  the  moft  rea- 
fonable  feems  to  have  been,  that 
when  he  mode  them,  he  did  not 
dare  to  do  otherwife,  as  an  Army 
flood  ready  with  Guns  in  their 
Hands  to  compel  him ;  that  he  did 
not  meet  the  Commiffioners  at  New 
Haven  as  they  allege  he  was  ordered, 
becaufe  he  had  no  Notice  of  the 
Meeting ;  and  becaufe  he  was  ill 
and  had  left  the  whole  Affair  to 
Ninigret.  "  In  which  Anfwere  the 
"  Commiffioners  founde  feuerall 
"  Paflages  of  Vntruth,  and  were 
"  vnfatisfied." 

On  the  3d  of  Auguft  Ninigret 
and  fome  of  the  Nianticks,  and  two 
of  Peflacus's  Men  came  to  Bofton. 
Being  queftioned  by  the  Commif- 
fioners,  Ninigret  did  not  corrobo- 


[    201     ] 

This  Year  alfo  there  was  Trouble  and  Fears  raifed 
in  the  Country,  by  Reafon  of  the  River- Indians,  at 
Waranoke?^  and  Norwoottuck,^  who  it  feems  were 
fecretly  contriving  the  Death  of  thofe  famous  Wor- 
thyes  [6 1  ]  Mr.  Hopkins ', Mr.  Hains,  and  Mr.  Whiting, 
Magiftrates  in  Connecticut  Colony.  For  I  find  upon 
publick  Record,  that  Complaints  and  Informations 
about  that  Matter  (in  September,  1646)  were 
brought  before  the  Commiilioners  then  afTembled 
at  New-haven,  where  an  Indian  teftified  that  Se- 
quaffon  the  Sacbim  of  Waranoke,  had  given  him  a 
Sum  of  Money  on  Condition  that  he  would  mur- 
ther  the  Gentlemen  mentioned.*^ 


rate  Peflacus's  Statements ;  and  to 
their  gueftion,  "  Why  they  (the 
"  Narraganfets)  had  not  paid  the 
"  Wampan  to  the  Englifh  according 
"  to  Covenant,  he  being  by  his 
"  Deputy  one  of  the  Covenanters  ?" 
He  expreffed  Ignorance  of  the  Co 
venant,  and  afked  "  For  what  the 
"  Narraganfets  fliould  pay  fo  much 
"  Wampam  ?"  He  faid  "  he  knew 
"  not  that  they  were  indebted  to  the 
"  Engliih."  See  more  of  this  on 
ward. 

From  all  which  it  is  pretty  evi 
dent  that  the  Indians  underftood 
but  little  about  Covenants  and  pe 
cuniary  Obligations,  efpecially  when 
they  had  received  nothing  for  which 
Payment  was  demanded. 

253  Weftfield  in  Maflachufetts. 
It  is  found  fpelled  feveral  different 
Ways.  Waranot  and  Warranok, 
in  Recs*  CommiJJionen  U.  Col/s..  i, 
67,  69. 

Aa 


254  Probably  the  fame   abridged 
to    Nonatutk,    Northampton.     See 
Williams's  Hift.  Northampton. 

255  What  the  Records  of  the  U. 
Colls,  afford  relative  to  this  Matter 
of  an  Attempt  to  murder  "  thofe 
"  famous  Worthyes,"  may  be  feen 
in  Vol.  i,  66,  &c. 

Complaints  of  all  Shades  were 
continually  made  againft  the  Indians. 
The  following  is  a  Specimen  of  many 
of  them  :  "  Mr.  Pelham  on  behalf 
of  Richard  Woddy  [Woody  or 
Wooddy]  and  Mr.  Pincham 
[William  Pinchon]  by  Letter 
complayned  of  fome  Thefts  com 
mitted  by  forne  of  the  Narragan- 
fett  Indyans ;  the  like  Complnt 
was  alfo  made  by  Mr.  Browne 
in  the  Behalfe  of  Wm.  Smith  of 
Rehoboth,  but  in  the  Abfence 
of  the  Indyans  nothing  could 
p'ceede."  Records  of  the  C.  U. 
C.,  i,  80. 


202 

Before  the  Commiflioners  convened,  Mr.  Haines 
had  twice  fent  to  SequaJJbn,  but  he  neglected  to 
make  his  Appearance  :  Wherefore  "Jonathan  Gil 
bert  was  fent  to  him  again,  to  fignifie  from  the 
Commiffioners  that  they  expected  Sequaffons  Ap 
pearance  before  them,  and  to  anfwer  what  he  was 
accufed  with,  and  they  promifed  him  free  Paflage 
both  to  and  from  Newbaven,  withall  intimating 
that  his  withdrawing  himfelf  would  greatly  augment 
the  Sufpition  of  his  Guilt. 

The  Meflenger  quickly  returned,  bringing  Word, 
that  he  could  not  fpeak  with  Sequajfbn,  who  he 
fuppofed  had  received  Notice  of  his  coming  by 
other  Indians,  and  was  thereupon  fled. 

But  a  few  Days  after,  Nipmjbit  and  Naimetaybu^ 
two  Sagamores,  came  with  fome  other  Indians  to 
Newbaven,  declaring  that  they  were  Friends  to 
SequaJ/bn,  and  pretended  great  Refpecfl  to  the  Eng- 
lim,  and  that  they  had  brought  Sequajfbn  to  clear 
himfelf,  and  that  although  one  of  them  had  him 
by  one  Arm,  another  by  the  other,  when  he  was 
come  near  the  Town,a57  he  brake  from  them  and 
was  efcaped. 

The  Commimoners  told  them  they  intended 
SequaJJbn  no  Hurt;  but  defired  to  bring  him  and 
his  Accufers  Face  to  Face,  that  he  fhould  have  a 
juft  Hearing  in  their  Prefence. 

256  In  the  Records  thefe  Names  "  Fence,  he  brake  from  them." 
are  Nepinfoyt,  and  Naimataigue.  They  added  alfoe,  that  "  he  was 

"  aftiamed  to  come  becaufe  he  had 

as?  «  Yet  when  he  was  neare  "  brought  no  Prefent."  Records, 
"  New  Haven,  almoft  at  the  Towne  ib,  i,  67. 


2°3 

Some  other  Indians  informed  that  Sequaffbn  was 
within  a  Mile  of  Newbaven,  and  it  was  conceived 
that  he  would  gladly  make  his  Peace  by  fome  other 
Means,  rather  then  by  a  due  Examination  and  Trial. 
The  two  Sagamores  faid  he  was  much  afraid,  and 
durft  not  come,  though  they  confefled  it  was  juft 
he  mould  come  and  clear  himfelf,  if  innocent; 
all  which  being  confidered,  the  Commiflioners 
conceived  that  Sequaffbn  whether  guilty  or  afraid 
of  the  Englim,  would  ftill  be  Plotting  againft  them 
and  fo  prove  dangerous ;  wherefore  they  thought 
fit,  and  ordered  that  all  juft  and  prudent  Means 
mould  be  ufed  (his  Life  being  preferved)  to  bring 
him  to  a  Tryal,  that  the  Matter  might  be  fome 
Way  ifTued.  In  the  mean  Time  they  thought 
good  to  examine  Wotchlborow^  a  Pocatuck  Indian, 
Sequajfons  Accuier,  who  waited  to  give  in  Evidence 
againft  him.  He  (being  warned  by  'Thomas  Stanton 
the  Interpreter,  to  fpeak  nothing  but  Truth)  af 
firmed,  that  being  this  laft  Spring  at  Waranoke,  in 
a  Wigwam  with  Sequaffbn,  and  ready  to  depart, 
SequaJJbn  perfwaded  him  to  [62]  ftay  three  Days, 
thence  he  drew  him  to  the  Falls  above  Mr. 
Pinchons ;  when  they  had  been  there  four  Dayes, 
Wotchiborow  would  have  been  gone  to  Moheag,  to 
fee  fome  Friends  ;  SequaJ/bn  told  him  it  was  dan 
gerous  Travelling  that  Way,  he  would  be  killed, 
walked  along  with  him  to  a  Spring,  and  there  told 
him  if  ever  he  would  doe  the  faid  SequaJJbn  a  Kind- 

•MP  Watcbibrok,  Wontibrou  and  is  Potatuke.  Now  Pawcatuck  or 
Wotchibrough  in  the  Records.  See  Paugatuck.  Wefterly  in  Rhode 
Vol.  i,  68.  Pocatuck  in  the  Records  Ifland. 


nefs  now  was  a  Time,  he  was  almoft  ruined,  and 
the  Englifh  at  Hartford,  the  Cauie  of  it :  He 
mould  therefore  go  to  Hartford  and  kill  Mr.  Hop- 
kins,  Mr.  Hains  and  Mr.  Whiting  and  he  would 
give  him  a  Reward,  and  thereupon  pluckt  out  of 
his  Bag,  three  Girdles  of  Wampam,  and  gave  them 
to  him,  with  a  Piece  of  a  Girdle  of  Wampam  to 
play,  and  promifed  him  much  more.  Wotchiborow 
faid  it  was  dangerous  to  kill  an  Englifh  Sacbim, 
they  would  find  out  the  Murderer  and  purfue  him 
to  Death,  what  could  then  Wampam  doe  him  good? 
Sequajjon  faid  he  had  Store  of  Wampam,  when  the 
Thing  was  done  they  would  fly  to  the  Mohawkes, 
but  in  the  Way,  when  they  came  to  the  Wampeag- 
Indiansfw  he  mould  give  it  out  that  Vncas  had 
hired  him  for  fo  much  Wampam,  and  that  would 
fet  the  Englifh  againjl  Uncas,  and  then  he  the  faid 
Sequajfin  mould  rife  again. 

He  further  told  this  Examinate,  that  Naymetayhu, 
one  of  the  forementioned  Sagamores  that  came  on 
the  Behalf  of  Sequajfbn,  and  his  Father,  knew  and 
approved  of  the  laid  Murther. 

Wotchiboroiv  further  faith  that  having  taken  the 
aforefaid  Wampam,  he  remembered  that  himfelf 
had  formerly  taken  Bujheag,^0  and  brought  him  to 
the  Englifh,  who  for  a  murderous  Attempt  at 
Stamford  was  put  to  Death  at  Neivbaven,  that  if 
he  mould  kill  any  Englifh  Sachim,  he  mould  goe 

259  There    was    a    Place    called  to  the  Wampanoags,  or  othe  Indians, 

Wamkeag,    two    Miles    N.  E.    of  it  is  uncertain.     See  Parfons,  29. 
Greenville  in  R.  I.     But   whether 
this  refers  to  Indians  living  there t  or         26°  See  Note  232. 


2°5 

in  Fear  of  Death  all  the  Dayes  of  his  Life,  and 
that  for  bringing  in  Bujheag,  he  had  a  Gratuity 
from  the  Englifh,  and  for  the  Difcovery  of  this 
Plot  he  mould  have  their  Favour,  and  he  thought 
the  Favour  of  the  Englifh  with  Security  would  be 
better  to  him  than  SequaJ/ons  Wampam  with  Fear 
and  Danger ;  he  therefore  came  firft  to  Tunkfus**1 
and  the  next  Day  to  Hartford,  and  difcovered  Se~ 
quaffions  Practice. 

He  faid  further  that  Sequajpon  hearing  of  the 
Difcovery,  fpake  to  Romanoke  an  Indian,  and  he  lent 
another  Indian  called  Sixpence  to  this  Examinate, 
defiring  him  to  hide  and  conceal  as  much  of  the 
Plot  as  he  could  and  not  to  lay  all  open,  but  he  in 
Anger  bade  the  faid  Sixpence  hold  his  Peace,  he 
had  difcovered  it,  and  would  hide  nothing. 

Thus  much  do  I  find  upon  Record,  relating  to 
Sequaffons  Plot.  What  afterwards  came  of  this 
Buiinefs,  or  how  it  lifted,  I  cannot  fay.26*  There 
was  alfo  another  Trouble  about  the  Indians  this 
Year. 

[63]  For  whilft  the  Commiffioners  were  fitting 

261  Tunxis — Farfliington  in  Con-      '  Englifti  in   what   they  have  re- 
nedticut.  '  quefted" — "  they  thought  meet 

'  that  an  Anfware  bee  returned  to 

262  It  would  feem  by  the   "  A3s  '  this  Purpofe, — That  the  Englifh 
"  of  the  Commiffioners"    of  Sept.  '  neither  formerly  haue  nor  yet  doe 
1650,  that  Sequafon  had  fled  to  the  '  p'hibite  his  Returne,  foe  that  hee 
Mohawks  for  Protection,  and  that  'carry  himfelfe  inoffenciuely,  for 
at  their    Requeft    "  that    he  might  '  the  Future  hee  may  come  at  his 
"  haue  Libertie  without  Offence  to  '  Pleafure,  and  that  they  are  now 
"  returne  to  his  former  Habitation,  '  the  more  free  for  it  being  requefted 
"  alledging  how  reddy  and  willing  '  by  them."     Records  Commiffton- 
"  they    haue    been   to   gratify  the  ers  U.  C.,  i,  170. 


[    206    ] 

at  Neivhaveriy  Petitions  were  prefentcd  froma63 
Edward  Elmere  and  fome  others,  complaining  that 
Indians  had  willfully  and  malicioufly  burned  fome 
Quantity  of  Pitch,  and  Tarr  of  theirs,  together 
with  fome  Bedding,  and  a  Cart  with  its  Furniture, 
and  Tools  &c.  in  Value  about  an  hundred  Pounds. 
And  particularly  they  complained  of  one  Wafemofe, 
a  Waranoke^*  Indian  as  guilty  therein,  as  by  fuffi- 
cient  Evidence  they  thought  they  could  prove;  and 
that  he  hath  fince  avoided  all  the  Englifh  Planta 
tions  ;  and  that  he  being  fent  for  by  a  Warrant 
from  one  of  the  Magiflrates  of  Gonnetticut,  fled ; 
but  being  overtaken  and  feized  by  fome  of  the 
Englim,  he  was  refcued  by  fome  of  the  Indians, 
and  the  Englifh  by  them  jeered  and  abufed,  and 
particularly  by  Cbickwallop  Sachim  of  Norwootuck. 
Whereupon  Jonathan  Gilbert  and  John  Griffin^ 
were  fent  to  Chickwallop  and  Manafanes. 

At  their  Return,  they  informed  that  they  could 
not  meet  either  with  Chickwallop  or  Manafanes, 
but  the  Sagamores  and  Indians  at  Waranoke  car 
ried  it  infolently  towards  the  Englim,  vaunting 
themfelves  in  their  Arms,  Bows  and  Arrows, 
Hatchets  and  Swords,  fome  with  their  Guns  ready 
charged,  before  and  in  the  Prefence  of  the  Englim 
Meflengers,  they  primed  and  cockt  them  ready  to 
give  Firei  and  told  them,  that  if  they  mould  offer 
to  carry  away  any  Men  thence,  the  Indians  were 

*r>s  "  John  Griffin,  Edward  El-  2C1  "  Wahannos  a  Waranot  In- 
mar  and  others.  A8s  of  the  Com-  dian."  Ibid.  In  the  fame  Page 
mijfioner},  i,  69.  Wanbannos  is  called  Mabanoje. 


[  207  ] 

refolved  to  Fight,*6*  yet  the  next  Morning  the 
Sachim  with  fome  others  offered  the  Englifti  Mef- 
fengers  eight  Fathom  of  Wampam,  towards  Satis 
faction,  and  promifed  to  provide  more.  The 
MeiTengers  not  having  any  thing  to  that  Purpofe 
in  their  Commiflion,  advifed  the  Sachim  to  fend  to 
the  Commiflioners,  but  he  refufed.  Hereupon, 
Naymetayhu3-^  one  of  the  Sagamores  of  Wananoke, 
who,  as  before,  came  on  SequaJ/ons  Behalf,  was 
queftioned  by  the  Commiflioners  about  thefe 
proud  Affronts  to  the  Englim ;  At  firft  he  denyed 
what  was  charged,  and  excufed  fome  Part,  but  one 
of  the  Englim  Meflengers  being  preient,  and  he 
hearing  the  Reft  mould  be  fent  for,  he  fell  under 
moft  of  the  Charge,  profefling  that  he  intended 
no  Harm  to  the  Englim.  Thus  concerning  Dif- 
turbance  by  the  Indians  in  the  Year,  i6^6.167 

In  Anno,  1647.  New  Fears  and  Troubles  arofe 
by  Reafon  of  the  Narraganjet  Indians,  there  being 
credible  Informations  that  they  were  Plotting,  and 
by  Prefents  of  Wampam,  ingaging  the  Indians 
round  about  to  combine  with  them  againft  the 

265  «  And  if  they  fliould  flay  but  an  evil  Spirit  conftantly  (Hired  up 
'  one  Night  at  the  Englifh  trading  Uncas  to  do  Mifchief.  Having  laid 
'  Houfe  [with  a  captured  Indian]  the  Connecticut  and  Maflachufetts 
'  neare  all  the  Country  would  Englifh  under  fingular  Obligations, 
'  come  to  refcue  any  fuch  Indian  they  had  to  fhuffle  very  adroitly  to 
'  feized."  Ibid,  p.  70.  keep  their  Temper  with  that  mif- 

creant   Indian.     It  is    a    defperate 

ace  Noynetacba.  Game  which  requires  the  employ 

ment  of  a  Rogue  to  play  an  import- 

867  Befides  this  there,  are  numerous     ant  Part  of  it.  Indian  Hiftory  fcarcely 
Entries  in  the  Records  fhowing  that     affords  a  Parallel  in  Perfidy  to  Uncas. 


[    208    ] 

Englim  Colonyes,  infomuch  that  a  Meeting  of  the 
Commiffioners  was  called  before  the  ordinary  Time; 
Being  therefore  convened  at  Bofton,  July  26.  A 
Meflenger  was  fent  to  Narraganfet,  fignifying  to 
Peficus  and  other  Sacbims  there,  that  the  Englim 
Commiffioners  expected  their  Appearance  at  Bojlon, 
and  that  if  they  [64]  did  refufe  or  delay,  they 
{hould  no  more  be  fent  unto,  withal  promifing 
them  fafe  Conduct,  in  Cafe  they  only  attended. 
The  MeeiThger  being  returned  informed  that  Pejicus 
excufed  his  not  meeting  the  Commiffioners  at  New 
Haven  the  laft  Year,  from  his  Ignorance  of  the 
Time,  when  he  fhould  attend,  though  that  was  falfely 
pretended  by  him.  He  alfo  defired  Excufe  for  his 
riot  appearing  at  this  Time,  becaufe  he  faid  he  was 
fick  and  not  able  to  come,  (but  the  Meflengers 
could  not  perceive  that  he  was  fubjedr.  to  any  fuch 
«Sicknefs  or  Difablement)  Neverthelefs,  he  had 
given  full  Power  to  Ninnigret  to  act  on  his  Behalf. 
Moreover,  he  excufed  his  not  performing  the  Arti 
cles  he  had  fubfcribed  at  Bofton,  two  Years  before, 
by  pretending  that  he  was  frighted  into  that  En 
gagement,  with  the  Sight  of  the  Englim  Army, 
which  was  then  ready  to  invade  the  Narraganfet 
Country,  and  he  thought  they  would  follow  him 
Home,  and  there  kill  him  if  he  did  not  promife  to 
do  as  the  Englim  would  have  him. 

Auguft  3.  Ninnigret  with  fome  Niantick  In 
dians,  and  too  of  Pejficus  his  Men  came  to  Bojion. 
At  firft  he  (though  againft  his  Confcience)  made 
as  if  he  were  ignorant,  and  had  never  been  in- 


[  209  ] 

formed  of  the  Covenants  which  the  Indians  had 
made  to  the  Englifh,  and  feemed  to  wonder  that 
the  Englifh  mould  afk  fuch  a  Sum  of  Wampam, 
faying  that  he  knew  not  that  the  Indians  were  in 
the  Englimmens  debt.  He  was  then  put  in  mind, 
how  that  formerly  Satisfaction  had  been  demanded 
of  the  Indians  for  the  Breach  of  Articles  ;  and  how 
the  Englifh  Meflengers  had  been  ill  intreated  by 
them,  and  particularly  by  himfelf,  who  had  ufed 
threatening  and  infolent  Language,  faying  to  the 
Meflengers,  that  he  knew  the  Commiffioners  would 
endeavor  to  keep  them  from  warring  upon  Vncas, 
but  they  were  refolved  they  would  do  it  for  all  that, 
and  nothing  but  Vncas  his  Head  mould  fatisfy  them  ; 
and  that  if  the  Englifh  did  not  withdraw  their 
Garrifons  from  the  Defence  of  Vncas>  they  would 
heap  up  their  Cattel  as  high  as  their  Wigwams,  and 
that  he  was  the  Man  that  had  given  out  that  an 
Englimman  mould  not  ftep  out  of  Doors  to  pifs 
but  they  would  kill  him.  Ninigret  not  being  able 
to  deny  thefe  Charges,  and  fomewhat  appalled 
thereat,  began  to  comply  with  the  reafonable 
Demands  of  the  Englifh.*6*  A  Dayes  Time  was 


269  The  Author  has  omitted  as 
important  a  Part  of  the  Records  as 
that  he  has  given,  but  the  Omiffion 
is  too  long  for  a  Note.  See  Records 
of  the  Commiffioners,  i,  88.  But  in 
order  to  underftand  the  Refources 
of  the  Indians  the  following  Extract 
is  given.  I  imagine  however  that 
fome  allowance  mould  be  made  as 
to  their  Ability  to  pay  a  large  Sum, 
for  it  does  not  appear  that  this  Debt 

Bb 


was  ever  cancelled.  "  Ninigret  not 
able  to  deny  this  Charge  [that 
an  Englimman  fhovld  not  ftep  out 
of  Doores,"  &c.]  "  pretended 
that  the  Englifh  Meflengers  pro 
voked  him,  but  that  appeared  a 
falfe  and  weake  Excufe.  He 
affirmed  that  the  Some  was  fo 
great,  that  the  Narraganfets  had 
not  Wampam  enough  to  pay  it — 
it  being  well  knowne  to  the  Co- 


[    210    ] 

allowed  him  for  Confideration  and  Advice  with 
the  Reft  of  the  Indian  Deputyes  that  were  then  in 
Bo/ion. 

The  next  Day  he  declared  that  he  was  refolved 
to  give  the  Englifh  Colonies  due  Satisfaction  in  all 
Things,  and  that  he  would  forthwith  fend  fome  of 
his  Men  to  gather  up  the  Wampam  which  was  yet 
behind  hoping  that  within  ten  Dayes  it  might  be 
obtained,  and  that  himfelf  [65]  would  ftay  with 
the  Englifh  as  Security,  untill  the  Money  was  paid. 
Accordingly  he  difpatched  his  MefTengers  home 
for  that  End,  who  not  many  Dayes  after,  came 
back  to  Bofton,  bringing  with  them  two  hundred 
Fathom  of  Wampam,  towards  Satisfaction  of  what 
they  owed  to  the  Englifh.  This  falling  very  much 
fhort  of  what  was  expected,  Ninigret  pleaded  that 
his  perfonal  Abicence  from  Home  was  the  Caufe  of 
that  Defect,  and  therefore  defired  Liberty  to  go 
Home,  withal  adding,  that  if  the  Whole  were  not 
paid  by  next  Spring,  the  Englifh  fhould  take  his 
Head,  and  fieze  his  Country.  The  Commiffioners 
let  him  depart,  and  fince  he  pretended  fo  fair,  did 
deliver  to  him  the  Children  which  were  kept  as 

'  miffioners   that  the   Narraganfets  "  temptible  fum,"  and  was  refuted, 

'  are  a  greate  People,  and  can  reafe  fo  the  Meflenger  fold  the  Kettles  to 

'  a  greater  Quantity  of  Wampam  Mr.  Samuel  Shrimpton  for  £14:5. 

'  vpon  a  mort  Warninge  when  they  In  our  View  this  was  not  fo  "  con- 

'  pleafe."     Finally,  Ninigret,  fee-  temptible"  a  Sum  as  might  be  ima- 

ing  that  pleading  Poverty  would  not  gined.  This  laft  Amount  being  raifed 

overcome  Cupidity,  agreed  to  fuch  from  the  Sale  of  the  brafs  Kettlei 

Terms  as  was   demanded    of  him.  taken    from    the    Families    of   the 

What  had  been  offered  by  Peflacus  Indians'!       The    Weight    of  thefe 

was  in  Kettles  and  Wampam,  in  all,  Kettles  was  285  Ibs.     See  Book  of 

£17:9:6,  but  it  was  called  "a  con-  Indians. 


[211    ] 

Hoftages,  expecting  from  him,  the  more  Care  to 
fee  Engagements  performed  ;  and  if  they  did  find 
him  real,  that  then  former  Neglects  mould  be 
charged  upon  Peficus,  and  that  they  mould  expect 
his  Affiftance,  when  it  mould  be  required,  in  re 
covering  the  whole  Remainder  from  Peficus  ;  all 
which  Things  were  cheerfully  accepted  by  Nini- 


This  Year  other  Troubles  hapned  by  fome  of 
Vncas  his  Indians,  who  committed  feveral  Outrages 
upon  the  Englifh  in  the  Pequot  Country.  Mr. 
John  Winthrop,  and  fome  with  him,  complained 


270  The  Failure  of  the  Chief  to 

perform  his  Promife  fhows  plainly 

enough   two  Fadls :  firft,    that  the 

Indians  were  unable  to  raife  fo  large 

an  Amount  of  Money ;  and  fecond, 

that  a  Sachem's   Power  to  compel 

his  People  |to   part  with  what  they 

poffefled  did  not  amount  to  anything 

like  arbitrary  Power.     The  Com- 

miffioners  were  evidently  fully  aware 

of  thefe  Fafts,  and  wifhed  to  ufe 

their  own  Power  to  keep  the  Indians 

under  their  Control.     The  original 

Records  add :  "  Not  thinking  it  meet 

'  to  begin  a  pr'fent  War,  if  Satisfac- 

'  tion  (though  with  a  little  forbear- 

'  ance  may  be  had  otherwife)  by 

'  their  Interpreter  acquainted  Nina- 

'  gratt,  that  fince  he  p'tended  the 

'  Wampam  had  bene  gathered  and 

'  paid,  if  himfelf  had  been  at  home, 

'  they  would  giue  him  free  leaue  to 

'  returne,  and  twenty  Dayes  more 

1  from  hence  to  colledl  and  fend 

'  the  Refidue    yet  behinde ;    and 


tho'  500  Fathome  of  the  Wam 
pam  now  due  mould  fall  fliort  in 
his    Payment    20  Dayes    hence, 
they  would   forbeare  it  till  next 
planting  Time ;  and  in  the  meane 
'  Time  accept  both  the  200  Fathom 
'  now    brought,   and  the    105  F. 
intended   for   a    prefent,    in    pt. 
'  Paymt,  but  if  they  brought  not 
'  1000  Fathome   more   within  20 
'  Dayes,  the  Comiflr8.  would  fend 
'  no  more    Meflengers,    but   take 
'  Courfe  to  right  themfelves  as  they 
'  fee  Caufe."    This  is  accompanied 
with  the  further  Threat,  that  if  they 
mould  refort  to  Armes,  the  Indians 
need  not  expeft  to  efcape  Vengeance 
as  hitherto,    by  a  little  Wampam ; 
that  though  they  (the  Englifh)  would 
be  juftified  in  putting  the  Hoftages 
to  Death,  they  "  would  forthwith 
"  deliver  the  Children  to  Ninegratt, 
"  expefting  from  him  the  more  Care 
"  to  fee  Ingagements  fully  fatisfied." 
Records  U.  C.,  i,  106. 


2I2 

that  Wowequay*11  (Vncas  his  Brother)  with  about 
forty  Mobeags,  behaved  themfelves  infolently, 
hovering  againft  the  Englifh  Plantation  in  a  fufpi- 
cious  Manner,  to  the  Afrightment  of  the  Inhabit 
ants  there ;  Alfo,  although  Vncas  at  firft  feemed 
gladly  to  entertain  the  Englim  Plantation  at  Pequot, 
yet  his  Carriage  fince  was  fuch  as  if  he  defigned  by 
Alarums  to  difturb  and  break  that  Plantation.  In 
fine  Vncas  was  cenfured,  and  required  to  acknow 
ledge  his  Fault  to  the  Englifh  Plantation,  (which 
he  did)  and  pay  an  hundred  Fathom  of  Wampam 
to  make  amends  for  Wrongs  fuftained.*7* 

In  September  1648.  New  Complaints  were 
brought  before  the  Commiffioners  of  the  United 
Colonyes,  (then  fitting  at  Plymouth}  againft  the 
Narraganfet  Indians.  Henry  Bull  of  Rhode- I/land 
petitioned  for  Relief,  informing  that  thofe  Indians 
had  beaten  him,  and  other  Wayes  been  injurious 
to  him.  Alfo  Meflengers  from  the  Town  of 
Warwick  came  with  Complaints  in  Behalf  of  the 
whole  Town,*73  alledgeing  that  their  Neighbour 
Indians  did  kill  their  Cattel,274  abufe  their  Servants 
when  they  took  them  alone,  and  fometimes  would 

271  Written  Nowequa  in  the  Re-     Randall    Houlden   and    Mr.   John 
cords.  Warner.     They    had  "  a  Writing 

'  vnto  vs  [fay  the  Commiffioners] 

272  The    Records   here   are  too  '  from  the  Towne  or  Plantatio  of 
much  abridged  to  give  the  Reader  '  Warwicke,  as  they  call  it,  fub- 
a  correct  Idea  of  the  Tranfaftions  '  fcribed  by  Mr.  John  Smith,  Af- 
intended  to  be  noticed.     As  they  '  fiftant   in   behalfe   of  the  whole 
cannot  be  abridged  intelligibly  the  '  Towne,  dated  the  4th  of  the  7th 
Reader   is  only  referred    to  them.  '  Mo.  1648." 

See  Records  Corns.  U.  C.  i,  101-2. 

274  And  "  about  a  hundred  hoggs," 
2?3  The   Meflengers   were   Mr.     &c. 


2I3 

make  forcible  Entry  into  their  Houfes,  yea,  and 
ftrike  the  Mafters  thereof,  and  fteal  and  purloyn 
their  Goods  at  Pleafure.  At  the  fame  Time,  In 
formations  were  brought  before  the  Commifiioners, 
that  the  Narraganfet  Indians  inftead  of  paying  the 
Wampam  that  was  due  to  the  Colonyes,  had  im 
proved  their  Wampam  to  hire  Indians  to  invade 
Vncas,  and  in  Cafe  the  Englim  mould  defend  [66] 
him,  to  fight  with  them  alfo.  Particularly,  that 
Ninigret  had  given,  out  that  if  the  Englim  did  pro 
tect  Vncast  he  would  quickly  burn  the  Houfes  at 
Connecticut.  The  Narraganfets  were  withdrawing 
their  old  Men,  Women,  and  Children  into  Swamps, 
hiding  their  Corn,  &c.  The  mercenary  Mohawks 
were  faid  to  be  about  four  hundred  in  Number,  all 
armed  with  Guns,  and  three  Pound  of  Powder  for 
every  Man. 

Thefe  Counfils  were  fo  far  ripened  and  prepared 
for  Execution,  as  that  'Thomas  Stanton  and  other 
Meffengers  from  Connecticut,  goeing  to  the  Indians 
to  enquire  into,  and  (if  might  be)  ftop  Proceedings, 
found  them  met  at  Pacomptuck  their  Rendezvouze, 
who  acknowledged  that  they  had  received  Wampam 
from  the  Narraganfets  to  invade  Vncas,  and  that 
they  were  met  together  to  that  Purpofe,  expecting 
Mohawks  and  other  Indians  to  make  up  their  full 
Numbers  :  But  hearing  that  two  Mohawk  Sachims, 
were  lately  killed  by  the  Eaftern  Indians,  and  that 
the  Englim,  who,  they  thought  were  a  juft  and 
warlike  People,  would  defend  Vncas,  they  did 
therefore  ftop  their  intended  Proceedings  at  this 
Time.  But  thefe  Things  made  it  yet  more  evident, 


that  the  Narraganfets  were  a  falfe  and  treacherous 
People,  rtot  to  be  trufted,  nor  worthy  to  be  treated 
with. 

Anno  1649.  Nfwbdtven  Colony  was  in  apparent 
Danger  of  being  involved  in  Trouble  by  Reafon  of 
the  Indians  there  :  For  at  Stamford  a  Man  going 
forth  to  feek  his  Cattel  returned  not  home  as  was 
expected,  nor  could  be  found  by  the  Englifh  that 
fought  for  him ;  but  quickly  after  the  Son  of  a 
Sagamore  who  lived  near  Stamford,  came  into  the 
Town,  and  told  the  Englifh  that  John  Whitmore 
was  murthered  by  an  Indian  called  Toguaffos,  and 
to  prove  it,  told  them  that  Toquattos  had  fome  of 
his  Cloathes;  and  particularly  his  Shirt  made  of 
Cotton-linnen.  Hereupon  the  Englifh  and  fome 
Indians  went  into  the  Woods  to  feek  the  murthered 
Body  for  burial,  but  though  they  beftowed  much 
Time  and  Labour,  they  could  not  find  it.  Diverfe 
of  the  Englifh  at  Stamford  fufpected  the  Sagamores 
Son  to  be  either  Author  or  AccefTory  to  the  Mur- 
ther,  but  had  not  fatisfying  Grounds  to  feize  and 
charge  him. 

About  two  or  three  Months  after,  Vncas  coming 
to  Stamford,  calling  the  Indians  thither,  and  en 
quiring  after  the  murdered  Body,  the  forementioned 
Sagamores  Son,  and  another  fufpected  Indian  called 
Ke/ioron*75  fell  a  trembling,  and  hereby  confirmed 
the  Sufpition  of  the  Englifh,  and  wrought  a  Sufpi- 
tion  in  fome  of  the  Mohegin  Indians,  fo  that  they 
faid  thefe  two  Indians  were  Matchet,  meaning  they 

275  Reboron,    according    to    the     nowhere  elfe  mentioned,  under  either 
printed  Records.     I  find  this  Indian     Name. 


C  2I5 

were  Guilty.  Notwithftanding  the  Indians  there 
abouts  excufed  the  Sagamores  Son,  and  accufed  [67] 
'Toquattos,  and  intimated  that  if  the  Sagamores 
Son  mould  upon  Sufpition  be  feized  on  by  the 
Englim,  the  Indians  would  doe  the  like  by  fome 
Englim,  untill  he  mould  be  fet  at  Liberty.*?* 

Likewife  at  South-hampton  in  Long-IJland,  the 
Englim  were  expofed  to  great  Difficulties  and 
Dangers  by  Reafon  of  a  Murder  committed  in  that 
Town,  fo  that  they  were  neceffitated  to  arm  them- 
felves  and  ftand  upon  their  own  Defence  for  many 
Dayes ;  the  Indians  being  gathered  together  in  an 
hoftile  Pofture.z77 

This  Year  alfo  Vncas  renewed  his  Complaints 
againft  the  Narraganfet  Indians,  that  notwithftand- 
ing  all  former  Engagements,  they  are  ftill  under 
mining  his  Peace,  and  feeking  his  Ruine,  and  in 
particular  that  to  their  late  Endeavour  to  bring  the 


276  «  The  Comiffioners  being 
minded  [July  1649]  that  Afquafti, 
a  Murtherer  of  an  Englifhman 
fome  Yeares  fince  in  or  neare  the 
Bounds  of  Fairfield  lived  yet  (ac 
cording  to  general  Report)  among 
Indians  neare  to  fom  of  the  Eng 
lim  Plantations  in  thofe  Parts,  and 
that  the  non  p'fuite  of  fo  notorious 
a  Malefa&or  is  like  to  proue  pre- 
iudiciall  to  the  Englim  by  giveing 
incurragment  to  the  Indians  in 
other  malicius  and  murtherous 
Attempts.  It  is  therefore  thought 
fitt  that  the  two  weftern  Colonies* 
vfe  the  beft  Means  they  can  to 
take  him,  and  then  p'ceed  with 
him  according  to  Righteoufnefs." 


Records  of  the  CommiJJioners,  i,  142. 

277  "  An  Information  being  alfo 
given  of  fom  Indians  at  Long 
Bland  that  (by  the  Accufation  of 
a  Native  that  fuffered  lately  at 
Hartford  for  a  Murther)  are 
guilty  of  the  Death  of  fom  Eng 
lim  who  fuffered  boatwracke  fome 
Yeares  paft  in  a  Veflell  belonging 
to  one  Cope  at  or  near  Long 
Ifland.  It  was  defired  and  thought 
expedient  that  all  Opportunities 
p'fenting  bee  improved  for  mak 
ing  Inquiry  and  fearching  after 
the  Truth  and  (if  Evidence  ap- 
peere)  the  Murtherers  be  profe- 
cuted  to  Juftice."  Ibid,  i,  142. 


2I6 

Mohawks  upon  him,  when  that  failed,  they  Ibught 
by  Witchcraft  to  take  away  his  Life.  A  Narra- 
ganfet  Indian  (called  Cuttaquin)  in  an  Englim  Vef- 
fel  in  Mobegin  River,*78  ran  a  Sword  into  Vncas 
his  Breaft,  whereby  he  received  to  all  Appearances 
a  mortal  Wound,  which  murderous  Adi:,  the  Affail- 
ant  then  confeffed,  he  was  for  a  confiderable  Sum 
of  fTampam,  by  the  Narraganfet  and  Niantick 
Sachems  hired  to  attempt.  Ninnigret  when  ex 
amined  utterly  denyed  his  having  an  Hand  in  that 
Fa<5t  but,  affirmed  that  Cuttaquin,  who  accufed 
himfelf,  and  the  other  Sachims,  was  drawn  there 
unto  by  Torture  from  the  Mobeags*7*) 


278  A  part  of  Pequot  River,  pro 
bably  that  Part  of  the  Thames  above 
Montville. 

27!>  The  Records  continue  :  "  but 
he  was  tould  that  the  Aflalent 
before  hee  cam  into  the  Hands 
of  the  Moheges,  p'fently  after  the 
Fa&  was  comited,  layed  the  charg 
vpon  him  [Ninnigret]  with  the 
Reft,  which  hee  confermed  the 
Day  folowing  to  Captaine  Mafon 
in  the  p'fence  of  the  Englifh  that 
were  in  the  Barkque  with  him  .  . . 
that  hee  was  p'fented  to  Vncas 
vnder  the  notion  of  one  apper 
taining  to  Vflamequin  wherby  hee 
was  acknowlidged  as  his  Frend 
and  no  Provocation  giuen  him." 
, . . .  "  Theire  Indeavours  to  dif- 
turbe  the  Peace  by  theire  Con- 
federafy  with  the  Mowhawkes* 
was  fo  euident  by  Mr.  John  Win- 
thrope  and  Mr.  Williams  Rela 
tion  the  laft  Year,  together  with 


"  the  Confeffion  of  the  Mowhawks 

"  themfelves  to  Thomas  Stanton." 

The    Commiffioners    then  recount 

the  Indebtednefs  of  Ninigret,   and 

"  exprefled    themfelves    altogether 

'  vnfatisfied  in  the  whole  Frame  of 

'  his  P'ceedings,"  and  recommended 

'  to  all  the  Colonies  to  bee  in  con- 

flant  Readinefs  either  for  Defence 

or  Offence  as  the  State  of  Occa- 

fions  may  call  for,   which  is  like 

to  be  terbulent  and  difficult,  which 

they  the  rather   p'fent  to  concid- 

'  eration  from  an  Information  thay 

'  receved  fence  theire  fiting,  of  a 

'  Marriage    fhortly    intended    be- 

'  twixt  Ninegrets  Daughter  and  a 

'  Brother   or    Brothers    Soone   of 

'  Saflaquas,  the  mallignant  furious 

'  Pequot,    wherby    p'bably    their 

'  Aimes  are  to  gather  together  and 

*  reunite    the    fcattered  conquered 

'  Pequates  into  one  Body  and  fett 

'  them   vpp   againe   as  a   diltin6t 

'  Nation  which  hatk  alwayes  been 


2I7 

About  four  Years  after  this  (viz.  in  Anno  1 65  3.)28° 
there  were  great  Troubles,  and  Commotions  railed 
in  the  Spirits  of  Men  with  reference  to  the  Indians, 
it  being  generally  believed  that  there  was  an  horrid 
Confpiracy  amongft  the  Indians  throughout  this 
Land  to  cut  off  all  the  Englim,  and  that  they  were 
animated  thereto  by  the  Dutch  ;  there  being  at  that 
Time  war  between  England  and  Holland.281  An 
Indian  Squaw  was  fent  by  other  Indians  (that  pro- 
feffed  Love  and  Friendfliip)  to  one  in  Wethersfield 
on  Conneffiicut  informing  that  there  was  a  Con 
federacy  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Indians,  to 
deftroy  the  Englifh  Colonyes,  and  that  the  Day  of 


"  wittnefed  againft  by  the  Englifh, 
"  and  may  haffard  the  Peace  of  the 
"  Colonies."  Here  Affairs  appear 
to  haue  refted  for  that  Time. 
Whether  the  fearful  Marriage  took 
place  we  are  not  informed,  although 
an  Inference  that  it  did  is  drawn 
from  the  Commiffioners'  Records 
of  the  next  Year  (1650),  i,  169. 

Yet  the  Commiffioners  do  not 
feem  to  have  troubled  themfelves 
about  Uncas's  Marriages,  one  of 
whofe  Wives  was  Sifter  to  Saflacus. 

280  Notwithftanding  the  Author 
(kips  nearly  four  Years,  there  were 
conftant  Troubles  with  the  Indians 
during  that  Time  ;  one  Tribe  com 
plaining  of  another  to  the  Englim. 
At  the  Meeting  of  the  Commiffion 
ers  in  Sept.  1 650,  Uncas  complained 
that  "  the  Mohanfick  Sachem  in 
"  Long  Ifland  had  killed  fome  of" 
his  Men,  "  bewitched  diuers  and 
"  himfelf  allfo,"  and  defired  that 

Cc 


he  might  be  "  righted  therein."  But 
the  Complaint  could  not  be  acted 
on  becaufe  the  Long  Ifland  Sachem 
was  not  prefent  to  anfwer  or  defend 
himfelf.  So  it  was  advifed  that  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut  commif- 
fion  Capt.  John  Mafon,  Mr.  Howell, 
Mr.  Gofmer  and  Thomas  Benedict 
of  Southhold  to  attend  to  the  Cafe. 
What  the  Cmmiffioners  thought  of 
Uncas  being  bewitched  they  do  not 
inform  us;  but  from  their  Silence 
on  that  Point  it  may  reafonably  be 
concluded  that  they  thought  the 
Devil  had  more  to  do  with  him 
than  Witches. 

ssi  Whatever  Grounds  there  may 
have  been  for  fufpe&ing  a  Combina 
tion  of  Indians  with  the  Dutch 
againft  the  Englifh  Colonifts  at  this 
Period,  there  feems  not  to  be  found 
any  reliable  Fads  of  fuch  Combina-^ 
tion  or  Confpiracy.  All  the  Tefti- 
mony  elicited  is  vague  and  uncertain. 


[  "8  ] 

Election  of  Magiflrates  in  the  feveral  Jurifdi&ions 
was  intended  for  Execution,  becaufe  then  the 
Towns  would  be  left  naked  and  lefs  able  to  defend 
themfelves.  This  Squaw  moreover  defined  the 
Englifh  to  remember,  how  dear  their  flighting  of 
her  former  Information  of  the  Pequots  coming  had 
coft  them.*82 

Alfo,  Vncas  addreffed  himfelf  to  the  Governour 
of  Connecticut  Colony  declaring  that  Ninnigret  had 
that  Winter  been  at  Manhatos,  and  that  he  had 
given  the  Dutch  Governour  a  great  Prefent  of 
Wampamt  and  received  from  him  twenty  Gunns, 
with  Powder  and  Shot  anfwerable;  [68]  and  that 
during  his  flay  in  thofe  Parts,  he  went  over  Hud- 
Jons  River,  gathered  as  many  Sacbims  together  as 
he  could,  made  ample  Declaration  againfl  the 
Englifh,  defiring  their  Aid  and  Affiftance  againfl 
them. 

Yea  moreover,  there  were  no  lefs  than  nine  In 
dian  Sagamores,  who  lived  near  Manhatos,  did 
voluntarily  without  any  Notice  or  Reward  from 
the  Englifh,  fend  their  MefTengers  to  Stamford  de 
claring  and  affirming  (even  after  they  were  urged 
by  the  Englim  to  teflifie  nothing  but  the  Truth) 
that  the  Dutch  had  follicited  them  by  promifing 
them  Gunns,  Swords,  Powder,  Wampan,  Waft  coats 
and  Coats  to  cut  off  the  Englifh.  The  MefTengers 
added  that  they  would  not  lye,  and  were  as  the 
Mouth  of  the  nine  Sagamores,  who  All  fpeak  they 
no  lyey  they  would  affirm  it  to  the  Dutch  Govern- 

282  This  refers  to  the  Maflacre  at     thersfield),    and   to  the  Agency  of 
Watertown  (afterwards  called  We-     the  Wife  of  Mononotto,  probably. 


C  2I9  1 

ours  Face,  and  if  the  Dutch  were  angry,  and  mould 
fight  with  them,  No  Force  &c.  The  next  Day, 
one  of  thofe  Sagamores,  with  the  Son  and  Brother 
of  another  of  them  came  themfelves  to  Stamford, 
and  confirmed  what  their  Meflengers  in  their 
Names  had  before  reported. 

This  Spring  alfo  the  Indians  in  the  northern 
and  eaftern  Parts  generally  grew  infolent,  and  their 
Cariage  very  Sufpitious,  and  they  gave  out  threat- 
ning  Words,  fo  that  many  Alarms  were  made,  the 
Peace  of  the  Englifh  through  the  whole  Country 
disturbed,  they  weaned  with  extraordinary  Watch- 
ings  and  Wanderings,  hindered  in  their  Plowing, 
Sowing,  preparations  for  Planting  and  other  Occa- 
fions,  to  their  exceeding  great  Damage.  Thefe 
Things  caufed  many  fad  Thoughts  of  Hearts,  and 
fome  warlike  Preparations ;  but  when  the  Partyes 
accufed  were  enquired  of  about  thefe  Matters  they 
would  own  nothing ;  as  for  Ninigret  he  pretended 
that  his  wintering  amongft  the  Dutch  was  on  the 
Account  of  his  Health,  and  not  at  all  out  of  Defign 
againft  the  Englifh.  The  Reft  of  the  Narraganfet 
Sacbims  made  themfelves  very  ignorant  of  any 
Plot;  the  Dutch  Governour  likewife  profefled  great 
Abhorency  of  fo  vile  a  Thing  as  that  would  be,  to 
hire  barbarous  Indians  to  murder  Chriftians  ; 
withall  adding,  that  if  the  Colonyes  fell  upon  him 
on  that  Account,  the  righteous  Judge  would  be 
his  Defence,*8*  and  that, 

Hie  murus  aheneus  efto 

Nil  eonfcire  Jibi  nulla  pallefcere  culpa. 

*"  -  Peter  Stuyvefant   was   Gov-     ernor  of  the  Dutch  at  New  Am- 


[    220    ] 

Alfo  glad  Tidings  of  Peace  between  the  Nations 
at  Home  arrived  here;  fo  did  theieTroublesvanim.*84 

Albeit  not  many  Years  after  thefe  Things,  the 
Indians  in  thofe  Parts  made  an  horrible  Slaughter, 
not  of  Englim-men  but  Dutch-men,  who  were 
treacheroufly  maflacred  by  them.*8* 

[69]  In  the  latter  End  of  this  Year  it  was  that 
the  Montauket  or  Long-IJland  Indians  who  were 
Friends  and  Tributaryes  to  the  Englifh,  complained 
that  Ninnigret  and  the  Nianticks  had  affaulted 
them,  killing  and  taking  captive  diverfe  of  them. 
They  were  fo  far  hearkned  unto,  as  that  the  Com- 


fterdam  (N.  York)  and  there  has 
nothing  fince  been  difcovered  in  the 
Character  of  the  Dutch  Governor 
to  warrant  any  other  Conclufion, 
but  that  he  was  malignantly  tra 
duced  by  the  vagabond  Indians. 
Plymouth,  Connecticut  and  New 
Haven  feemed  inclined  to  believe 
the  Stories;  but  Maflachufetts,  lefs 
interefted,  did  not  credit  the  Tales. 

284  The  Treaty  of  Peace  with 
Holland  was  figned  the  5th  April, 
1654;  the  News  of  which  was  re 
ceived  in  Bofton,  23d  June  follow 
ing.  See  Holmes,  Annals,  i,  301. 

28  New  England  has  never  feen 
fo  diftreffing  a  Time  as  was  experi 
enced  by  the  Dutch  Settlers  adverted 
to  in  the  Text.  Tolerably  minute 
Accounts  may  be  read  of  thofe 
Troubles  in  O'Callaghan  and  Brod- 
head's  Hiftories  and  their  Authori 
ties  indicated.  The  Invafion  by  the 
Indians  is  faid  to  have  began  on  the 


1 3th  of  September,   1655.     But  if 
fo  there  muft    have   been    another 
Invafion  the  fame  Year ;  for,  on  the 
fame  Day  the  Commiffioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  who   had  met  at 
New  Haven   on  the  6th  of  Sept., 
1655,  fay,  that  on  "  the  15  of  the 
'  prfent  September,  by  the  Rcturne 
'  of  the  Meflengers  whom  they  had 
'  fent  forth  for  Inquiry,  received 
'  certaine   Intelligence  of  a  great 
'  MafTacar  perpitrated  by  the  Wam- 
'  peage  and  other  Indians  vpon  the 
'  Dutch  at  the  Monhatoes,"who  had 
taken  feventy  of  the  Dutch  Prifon- 
ers ;  that  as  they  were  about  to  take 
Means  to  ranfom  the  Captives,  Mr. 
Allerton's  Ketch  arrived  at  New- 
haven    from    Manhattan,    bringing 
News  that  the  Indians  had  offered 
to  make  Peace,   and  a  Treaty  was 
entered     upon.      They     therefore 
thought  any  Aftion  on  their  Part 
unneceflary      Records  Commijjion- 
ers  U.  C.,  ii,  144.    See  alfo  A  Nar- 
rative\u&  iffued  byDr.  O'Callaghan. 


[    221    ] 

miffioners  of  the  United  Colonies  did  apprehend 
themfelves  called  of  God  to  wage  War  again  ft 
Ninigret  and  fuch  Indians  as  fhould  adhere  to  him 
in  his  bloudy  Proceedings,  and  accordingly  did  by 
Vote  conclude  and  determine  the  fame,  and  that 
two  hundred  and  fifty  Souldiers  mould  be  forth 
with  raifed,  and  fent  forth  by  the  feveral  Colonies. 
But  the  Council  of  Bo/ion  not  concurring  in  thofe 
Conclufions,  the  intended  Expedition  failed  at  that 
Time;186  Neverthelefs  the  next  Year,  it  being 
known  that  Ninnigret  perfifted  in  his  warring  upon 
the  Long  Iflanders,  and  that  he  brake  his  Covenant, 
refufing  to  pay  Tribute  for  thofe  Pequots  that  were 
by  the  Englifh  formerly  placed  under  him,  and 
that  the  Lenity  of  the  Colonies  was  abufed  to 
heighten  his  Pride  and  Infolency ;  upon  thefe 
Coniiderations  it  was  agreed  by  the  Commiffioners 
that  there  mould  be  two  hundred  and  feventy  Foot 
Souldiers,  and  forty  Horfe,  raifed  out  of  the  feveral 
Colonyes,  in  order  to  reducing  Ninnigret  to  Sub 
jection  and  better  Obedience.  Accrdingly  Forces 
were  forthwith  levied,  and  a  fmall  Army  fent  forth 
under  the  Chriftian  and  Couragious  Major  Willard 
as  Commander  in  Chief.287 

286  if  thofe  who  are  now  main-  "  General    Court   to   join    in    an 

taining  the  abfurd  Doftrine  of  Se-  "  offenfive  War."     This  Proceed- 

ceffion  only  knew  how  Matters  flood  ing  on  the    Part   of  Maflachufetts 

in  the  United  Colonies  in    1653,  came  near  breaking  up  the  Con- 

they  might  ufe  the  Fafts  to  fortify  federacy ;  and  that  probably  would 

their  Pofition      The  General  Court  have  been  the  Refult   had  Affairs 

praftically  nullified    the   Aftion  of  turned  out  as  the   Majority  of  the 

the  Commiffioners  by  a  Refolution  Colonies  fuppofed  they  would, 
that  "  no  Aft  of  theirs,  though  they 
"  mould  all  agree,  mould  bind  the         287  There  was  ftrong  Diflatisfac- 


[    222    ] 

Upon  the  Approach  of  the  Englim  Army,  Nin- 
nigret  fled  from  the  Place  of  his  ufual  Refidence, 
and  got  into  a  Swamp,  where  it  was  not  eafie  to 
purfue  him.  Moft  of  the  Pequots  under  his  Jurif- 
diction  then  deferted  him,  and  came  to  the  Eng- 
glim.z88  MeiTengers  were  fent  to  demand  a  Treaty 
with  him,  but  he  was  afraid  to  appear. 

In  fine,  two  Gentlemen,  viz.  Capt.  Davis  and 
Capt.  Siely  went  to  him  requiring  the  Delivery  of 
the  Reft  of  the  Pequots ;  to  whom  he  replyed  that 
they  were  gone  on  Hunting,  but  ingaged  that 
within  feven  Dayes  they  mould  be  delivered  to  Mr. 
Winthrop.^  He  was  moreover  charged  to  forbear 


tion  with  Major  Willard's  Proceed 
ings  againft  Ninigret.  It  was  un 
accountable  to  the  war  Party  that 
he  fhould  have  returned  from  his 
well  planned  Expedition,  having 
inflicted  no  Chaftifement  on  the 
Nianticks ;  when  as  Ninnigret  fled 
on  his  Approach  leaving  his  Coun 
try,  Corn  and  Wigwams  unpro 
tected,  which  might  have  been  de- 
ftroyed  without  Moleftation.  It  is 
evident  that  the  Major  did  not  think 
fuch  a  Courfe  was  the  beft  one; 
and  that  Ninigret  and  his  Nianticks 
did  not  deferve  fuch  Severity  ;  and 
although  he  was  gravely  cenfured  at 
the  Time  by  fome,  and  perhaps 
even  by  a  Majority  of  the  Englim, 
yet  Pofterity  will  doubtlefs  fuftain 
him.  He  did  excellent  Service 
afterwards  in  the  War  with  Philip, 
and  died  in  the  Midft  of  it.  See 
Mather's  Brief  Hiftory,  153.  His 
Report  of  the  Expedition,  and  the 
Action  of  the  Commiffioners  upon 


it  may  be  feen  in  the  Records  of  the 
United  Colonies,  ii,  145-9.  The 
Epedition  fet  out  from  Bofton  the 
pth  of  October,  1654,  anc^  returned 
on  the  24th  of  the  fame  Month. 

288  About  one  hundred  of  them, 
according  to  Maj.  Willard's  official 
Report.  Thefe  all  fubfcribed  cer 
tain  Conditions  drawn  up  for  that 
Purpofe.  The  Subftance  of  faid 
Conditions  are  contained  in  the 
Major's  Report,  but  the  Originals 
are  probably  not  preferved. 

2~:';This  Interview  tranfpired  on 
the  1 8th  of  Oftober,  1654.  The 
Number  of  Englifhmen  fent  to  treat 
with  Ninigret  was  fix.  He  refufed 
to  meet  them  becaufe  they  were  fo 
many,  but  fent  Word  that  he  would 
meet  two  of  the  Englim.  Accord 
ingly  Capt.  [William]  Davis  and 
Capt.  [Robert]  Seily  were  met  by 
the  Chief,  who  inquired — "  Why 


all  Acts  of  Hoftility  againft  the  Long- Iflanders,  or 
any  other  Indians  that  were  in  Amity  with  the 
Englifli  ;*9°  and  plainly  told,  that  if  he  did  not 
hearken  to  the  Advice  and  Charge  laid  upon  him, 
he  muft  expect  that  ere  long  his  Head  would  be 
fet  upon  an  Englifh  Pole.**1 

So  did  the  Meflengers  return  and  the  Army  alfo. 
Thefe  Things  hapned  in  October  Anno  1654. 

After  the  Englifh  Forces  were  withdrawn,  Nin- 
nigret  did  according  to  his  ufual  Manner,  obferve 
Fidem  punicam  in  keeping  the  Promifes  which  at 
that  Time  he  made  and  fet  his  Hand  unto. 

[70]  Not  many  Years  after  this  the  Indians  in 


"  do  you  demand  the  Pequots  ?  You 
"  have  them  already.  I  have  but 
"  three  or  four.  The  reft  are  abroad 
"  hunting  and  elfewhere."  Finally 
the  "  feven  Days "  Arrangement 
was  made,  as  mentioned  in  the  Text 

290  Ninigret  had  been  made  war 
upon  by  the  Long  Ifland  Indians, 
who  had  killed  feveral  of  his  Chiefs 
and  other  Men.  He  therefore 
thought  it  fingularly  unjuft  Interfer 
ence  on  the  Part  of  the  Englifh  that 
he  mould  not  be  allowed  to  "  right 
himfelf ;"  while  at  the  fame  Time 
the  New  Haven  People  had  been 
fending  Powder  and  Shot  to  his 
Enemies,  the  Long  Iflanders.  And 
we  do  not  wonder  that  when  he 
was  told  that  he  muft  defift  from 
attacking  thofe  Indians,  that  "  he 
"  was  filent  for  a  Time,  but  after, 
"  faid  this — '  Shal  fuch  a  Prince 
"  and  two  Captains  lofe  theire  Lives 
"  and  theire  Bloud  not  to  bee  re- 


"  venged  ?' "  The  Englifh  again 
repeated  the  Command,  but  Nini 
gret  faid  no  more.  They  next 
demanded  that  he  mould  defray  the 
Expenfe  of  the  Expedition  upon 
which  they  had  now  come.  To 
this  he  anfwered,  in  Effeft,  that  he 
had  not  caufed  the  Expedition; 
that  if  it  was  on  Acconnt  of  the 
Long  Iflanders  they  might  look  to 
them.  Here  the  Matter  appears  to 
have  refted,  fo  far  as  payment  for 
the  Expedition  was  concerned.  See 
Records  Corns.  U.  Cols.,  ii,  147. 

291  Ninigret  was  living  in  the 
Time  of  Philip's  War,  and  rendered 
fome  Service  againft  thofe  Indians 
who  brought  it  on ;  but  he  muft  at 
that  Period  have  been  very  old,  for 
we  hear  of  him  as  early  as  1632. 
The  Time  of  his  Death  is  not  known. 
Several  Anecdotes  concerning  him 
will  be  found  preferved  in  the  Book 
of  the  Indians. 


the  fouthern  and  weftern  Parts  of  this  Land  were 
involved  in  Broyles  amongft  themfelves,  raging 
with  implacable  Feudes  and  Wars  one  againft 
another.  The  Nianticks,  Mauntaukets,  Mohegins, 
Norwootucks,  all  engaged  in  cruel  and  bloody 
Quarrels.  And  the  Peace  of  thefe  Colonyes  was 
not  a  little  difturbed  and  endangered  thereby,  inaf- 
much  as  the  Indians  would  purfue  one  another  to 
the  Englim  Plantations,  and  fometimes  into  the 
Englifh  Houfes,  and  there  kill  one  another.2?2 
Some  Englim  at  Wetbersfield,  and  fome  inhabiting 
in  the  Moheag  Country  were  by  Means  hereof  put 
into  fad  Frights.293  In  fpecial,  in  Anno  1 658.  fundry 


292  ^   was    nO£    an   uncommon 
Thing,  when  Difpqtes  and  Diffi 
culties  occurred  among  the  Indians 
themfelves,   that  one   Party  would 
fly  to    the    Neighborhood    of  the 
Englim,  thinking  thereby  to  efcape 
the  Fury  of  the  other  Party.     But 
this  did  not  often  fhield  the  Fugi 
tives  ;  for  if  the  Englim  had  the 
Ability  to  fhield  them,   they  could 
know  nothing  as  to  who  was  the 
originally  agrieved   Party.     Hence 
deadly  Skirmifhes  took  place  fome 
times  in  the  very  Enclosures  of  the 
Englim,    and   Bullets    often  pafled 
through  their  Houfes.     Sometimes 
even  one  Indian  has  purfued  another 
into  their  Houfes  and  Murders  were 
committed  on  the  Floor  and  before 
the  Eyes  of  the  Family.     An  In- 
ftancc  of  this  Kind  once  occurred 
in  Cambridge. 

293  Sometime   in  the  Month  of 
May,    1660,   the   Government  of 


Connecticut  fent  a  Letter  to   the 
Commiffioners  of  the  United  Colo 
nies,  dated  June  pth,  faying,  among 
other    Things,    that    "  not   many 
Weeks  now  paft,  wee  are  by  fuf- 
ficient  Information  certified,  that 
one  Night,  at  the  new  Plantation 
at  Munheage,  fome  Indians  (as 
will  appeare)  of  the  Narraganfets 
fhot  eleven  Bullets  into  a  Houfe 
of  our  Englim  there,  in   Hopes, 
as  they  boafted,  to  have  flain  him 
'  whom  we  have  Caufe  to  honour," 
who  appears  to  have  been  Deputy 
Governor  Major  Mafon.     "  As  alfo 
"  flew   another   at   Robert  Layes, 
"to    the   great    AfFrightment    and 
"  Terror  of  Goodwife  Lay.     We 
intreat  you  to   confider  how  jn- 
cogruous  and  crofs  it  would  haue 
bin  20  Yeares  agoe  to  an  Englim 
Spirit  to   beare   fvch  Things  as 
now  we    are    forct    to  beare,  or 
whether  the  Indians  would  not 
haue  expedled  a  Vifltation  upon 


225 

Englifli  in  divers  Places  were  difquieted  by  the  In- 
folence  and  Outrage  of  the  Pacumptick  Indians.*94 


'  lefs  Occafions  then  thefe  that  haue 

'  of  late  bene  met  with  by  feveral 

'  of  ours.    We  cannot  but  conceaue 

'  it  is  high  Time  to  renew  vpon 

'  the  Memory  of  thefe  Pagans  the 

'  obliterate  Memorials  of  the  Eng- 

'  lifli."     At  the  next  Meeting  of 

the  Commiflloners  it  was  refolved, 

in  View  of  thefe  Complaints,  "  to 

"  require  and  force  the  Narrogan- 

"  fetts  to  a  juft  Satisfaction."     See 

Trumbull's  Col.  Recs.  Ct.,  i,  576-7. 

Conformably  to  this  a  Demand  was 

made  on  the  Narraganfets  for  "  att 

"  leaft  foure  of  the  chiefe  of  them 

"  that  fhott  into  the  Englifh  Houfe," 

or  to  pay  500  Fathom  of  Wampum. 

The  Matter  appears  to  have  been 

fettled  by  the  Wampum. 

At  the  fame  Time  a  Complaint 
was    confidered  about  an    Outrage 
committed    at  the    Houfe  of  Mr. 
Brewfter  by  thofe  Indians  who  be- 
fieged  Uncas,   "  by  theire  forcable 
"  attempting  to  enter  his  Houfe  and 
"  theire  violent  Intrufion  and  taking 
"  away  fom  Goods  and  Healing  his 
"  Corn."     Befides,   the  laft  Spring 
(1659)  "  fom  Narraganfett  Indians 
"  did  aflault  and  kill  a  Mohegan 
'  Indian  in  his  Seruice  who  flying 
'  to  Miftris  Brewfter  for  Succor; 
'  yet  they  violently  tooke  him  from 
'  her  and  fhott  him  by  her  Side  to 
'  her   great   AfFrightment."     The 
Commiffioners  faid  this  was   "an 
"  intolerable  and  impudent  Mifcar- 
"  riage,"  and   for   which  they  de 
manded  80  Fathom  of  Wampum. 
Recs.  U.  Cols.,  ii,  227.     The  Po- 

Dd 


cumtucke  Indians  were  concerned 
in  the  Siege  of  Uncas's  Fort,  one  of 
whofe  Chiefs  was  a  principal  Leader. 
Ibid,  223.  The  Brewfter  Family 
fo  vaguely  mentioned  in  the  Records, 
was  probably  that  of  Mr.  Jonathan 
Brewfter,  eldeft  Son  of  Elder  Wil 
liam  of  the  Pilgrim  Band.  Mr. 
Brewfter  eftablifhed  a  Trading  houfe 
on  the  Thames  in  1 649,  at  a  Point 
on  the  eaft  Side  of  the  River,  ftill 
called  Brewfter's  Neck.  Of  this  he 
had  a  Deed  from  Uncas,  dated  25 
April,  1650.  His  Wife's  Name 
was  Lucretia.  See  Mifs  Caulkins's 
New  London,  66,  331,  &c.  Mr. 
Brewfter  was  one  of  the  Defenders 
of  Uncas,  and  was  with  him  in  his 
Fort  when  it  was  attacked  by  the 
Mohegans,  and  thus  was  faved  the 
Life  of  the  deceitful  Uncas.  His 
Fort  was  at  the  Head  of  Nahantick 
River.  See  Ibid,  127. 

294  In  the  Records  of  Connecticut 
mention  is  made  of  the  Seffion  of 
the  General  Court  in  April,  1 65  7,  of 
"a  horid  Murder  committed  by 
"  fome  Indians  at  Farmington." — 
(Trumbull,  Col.  Rec.  Ct.,  \,  294.) 
But  on  whom  the  Murder  was  com 
mitted  no  mention  is  made.  I  infer 
from  fubfequent  Actions  of  the  Court 
that  the  Murder  was  among  the  In 
dians  themfelves,  and  that  during  the 
Affair  a  Houfe  was  burnt ;  "  and 
"  though  Mefapano  feems  to  bee 
"  the  principall  After,  yet  the  Ac- 
"  ceffbries  are  not  yet  clearly  dif- 
"  coured,  and  none  brought  to  a 


[    226    ] 

But  when  the  Sachims  were  called  to  an  Account 
about  it,  they  pretended  that  they  were  ignorant 
of  what  Diforders  were  committed  by  their  Men, 
nor  allowed  of  by  them  who  defired  to  live  in 
Amity  with  the  Englifh,  and  were  willing  to  give 
Satisfaction  for  paft  Injuryes,  and  to  prevent  the 
like  Abufes  for  the  Future.  So  did  thofe  Troubles 
pafs  over.  Not  very  long  before  this,  at  South- 
Hampton  in  Long-IJland  fome  Houfes  had  been 
burned  by  a  wicked  Indian  (and  a  Negro  Woman) 
who  it  feems  after  he  had  done  this  Wickednefs, 
defperately  killed  himfelf,  to  prevent  juft  Execution. 
It  was  at  firft  thought  that  more  of  the  Indians 
there  had  had  an  Hand  in  that  burning,  whence 
they  were  condemned  to  pay  feven  hundred  Pound 
in  feven  Years,  but  afterwards  that  Penalty  was 
taken  off,  lince  it  was  judged  unreafonable  that 
thofe  Indians  who  were  not  proved  to  act  in,  or 
confent  to  the  Mifchief  that  was  done,  mould  be 
made  to  fuffer  as  Guilty. 

In  Anno  1662,  Plymouth  Colony  was  in  fome 
Danger  of  being  involved  in  Trouble  by  the  Wam- 
panoag  Indians.  After  Maffafoit  was  dead,  his  two 
Sons  called  Wamfutta  and  Metacomet,  came  to  the 
Court  at  Plymouth  pretending  high  RefpecT:  for  the 
Englifh,  and  therefore  defired  Englim  Names 
might  be  impofed  on  them,  whereupon  the  Court 
there  named  Wamfutta  (the  elder  Brother)  Alex- 

"  legall  Triall."     At  the  Seffion  in  "  by    Mefupeno "   (as   he   is  then 

Auguft  of  the  fame  Year  the  Tunxis  called)  eighty  Fathom  of  Wampum, 

Indians  agreed  to  pay  for  the  Damage  "  well  ftrungd,"  for  feven  Years.  See 

done  at  Farmington,  "  occafioned  alfo  Trumbull's  Hi/}.  Conn.,  i,  230. 


[    227    ] 

ander,  and  Metacomet  (the  younger  Brother)  Philip ; 
this  Alexander  (Philips  immediate  Predeceflbr)  was 
not  fo  faithful  and  friendly  to  the  Englifh  as  his 
Father  had  been.z95  For  fome  of  Bofton  having 
occafionally  been  at  Narraganfet  wrote  to  Mr. 
Prince  who  was  then  Govern  our  of  Ply  mouthy  that 
Alexander  was  contriving  Mifchief  againft  the 
Englifh,  and  that  he  had  folicited  the  Narraganfets 
to  ingage  with  him  in  his  defigned  Rebellion. 
Hereupon  Capt.  Willet  (who  lived  near  to  Mount 
Hope,  the  Place  where  Alexander  did  refide)  was 
appointed  to  fpeak  with  him,  and  to  defire  him  to 
attend  the  next  Court  in  Plymouth,  for  their  Satis 
faction,  and  his  own  [71]  Vindication,  he  feemed 
to  take  the  MefTage  in  good  Part,  profefling  that 
the  NarraganJ'ets  who  (he  faid  were  his  Enemies) 
had  put  an  Abufe  upon  him,  and  he  readily  pro- 
mifed  to  attend  at  the  next  Court.  But  when  the 
Day  of  his  Appearance  was  come,  inftead  of  that, 
he  at  that  very  Time  went  over  to  the  Narraganfets 
his  pretended  Enemies ;  which  compared  with  other 
Circumftances,  caufed  the  Gentlemen  at  Plymouth, 
to  fufpedt  there  was  more  of  Truth  in  the  In 
formation  given,  than  at  firft  they  were  aware  of. 

295  The  Treaty  made  with  Philip  "  y— c— -B  VNCOMPOWETT, 

at  this  Time   may  be  feen   in  the  "  Vnkell  to  the  abouefaid  Sachem. 

Plymouth    Col.   Records,   iv,  256.  "  Witnefle,  John  Safomon. 

The  Subftance    of  it  is  alfo  con-         "  The  Marke  of n  Francis, 

tained  in  Morton's  Memorial,  Sub.  "  the  Sachem  of  Nanfet. 

an.  1662.     But  Morton  omits  Part  "  The  Mark  of  Nimrod — '-' — , 

of  the  Signers  of  the  Treaty.  They  "  allis  Pumpafa, 

are  thefe:     "The  Marke  — ^—  "  Marke  -r-  of  Punckquaneck, 

"PHILLIP,   allis   METACUM,  "  TheMarke— £3— of  Aquete- 

"  Sachim  of  Pocanakett,  The  Marke  "  quefh." 


Wherefore  the  Governour  and  Magiftrates  there, 
ordered  Major  Winjlo'w  (who  is  fince  and  at  this 
Day  Governour  of  that  Colony)  to  take  a  Party  of 
Men  and  fetch  down  Alexander.  The  Major  con- 
fidering  that  Jemper  nocuit  differre  paratis,  he  took 
but  ten  armed  Men  with  him  from  Marjhfieldy  in 
tending  to  have  taken  more  at  the  Towns  that  lay 
nearer  Mount  Hope.  But  Divine  Providence  fo 
ordered,  as  that  when  they  were  about  the  Midway 
between  Plymouth  and  Bridgewater,  obferving  an 
hunting  Houfe  they  rode  up  to  it,  and  there  did 
they  find  Alexander  and  many  of  his  Men  well 
armed,  but  their  Guns  ftanding  together  without 
the  Houfe,  the  Major  with  his  fmall  Party,  pof- 
fefed  themfelves  of  the  Indians  Arms,  and  befet 
the  Houfe ;  then  did  he  go  in  amongft  them, 
acquainting  the  Sachim  with  the  Reafon  of  his 
coming  in  fuch  a  Way,  defiring  Alexander  with  his 
Interpreter  to  walk  out  with  him,  who  did  fo  a  little 
Diftance  from  the  Houfe,  and  then  underftood  what 
Commiffion  the Majorhzd  received  concerning  him 
The  proud  Sachim  fell  into  a  raging  Pafiion  at  this 
Surprife,  faying  that  the  Governour  had  no  Reafon 
to  credit  Rumors,  or  to  fend  for  him  in  fuch  a 
Way,  nor  would  he  go  to  Plymouth  but  when  he 
faw  Caufe.  It  was  replyed  to  him,  that  his  Breach 
of  Word  touching  Appearance  at  Plymouth  Court, 
and  inftead  thereof  going  at  the  fame  Time  to  his 
pretended  Enemies,  augmented  Jealoufies  concern 
ing  him.  In  fine,  the  Major  told  him  that  his 
Order  was  to  bring  him  to  Plymouth,  and  that  (by 
the  help  of  God)  he  would  do  it,  or  elfe  he  would 


[    229    ] 

dy  on  the  Place ;  Alfo  declaring  to  him  that  if  he 
would  fubmit,  he  might  expect  refpective  Ufage, 
but  if  he  once  more  denyed  to  go,  he  mould  never 
ftir  from  the  Ground  wheron  he  flood,  and  with 
a  Piftbl  at  the  Sacbims  Breaft,  required  that  his 
next  Words  mould  be  a  pofitive  and  clear  Anfwer 
to  what  was  demanded.  Hereupon  his  Interpreter 
(a  difcreet  Indian,  brother  to  John  Saujamari)  be 
ing  fenfible  of  Alexanders  paffionate  Difpolition 
entreated  that  he  might  fpeak  a  few  Words  to  the 
Sacbim  before  he  gave  his  Anfwer.  The  prudent 
Difourfe  of  this  Indian  prevailed  fo  far  as  that 
Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requefting  that  he 
might  go  like  a  Sachim,  with  his  Men  attending 
him,  which  (although  [72]  there  was  fome  Hazard 
in  it,  they  being  many,  and  the  Englifh  but  a  few) 
was  granted  to  him.  The  Weather  being  hot,  the 
Major  offered  him  an  Horfe  to  ride  on,  but  his 
Squaw  and  diverfe  Indian  Women  being  in  Com 
pany,  he  refufed,  faying  he  could  go  on  Foot  as 
well  as  they,  entreating  only  that  there  might  be  a 
complying  with  their  Pace,  which  was  done,  and 
refting  feveral  Times  by  the  Way,  Alexander  and 
his  Indians  were  refreshed  by  the  Englifh ;  no 
other  Difcourie  hapning  while  they  were  upon  their 
March,  but  what  was  pleafant  and  amicable.  The 
Major  fent  a  Man  before,  to  entreat  that  as  many 
of  the  Magiftrates  of  that  Colony  as  could ;  would 
meet  at  Duxbury ;  wherefore  having  there  had  fome 
Treaty  with  Alexander,  not  willing  to  commit  him 
to  Prifon,  they  entreated  Major  Win/low  to  receive 
him  to  his  Houfe,  untill  the  Governour  (who  then 


[  230  ] 

lived  at  Eaftham)  could  come  up.  Accordingly  he 
and  his  Train  were  courteoufly  entertained  by  the 
Major.  And  albeit  not  fo  much  as  an  angry  Word 
patted  between  them  whilft  at  Marjhfield;  yet  proud 
Alexander  vexing  and  fretting  in  his  Spirit,  that 
fuch  a  Check  was  given  him,  he  fuddenly  fell  fick 
of  a  Fever.  He  was  then  nurfed  as  a  choice  Friend. 
Mr.  Fuller  (the  Phyfitian)  coming  providentially 
thither  at  that  Time,  the  Sachim  and  his  Men 
earneftly  defired  that  he  would  adminifter  to  him, 
which  he  was  unwilling  to  doe,  but  by  their  im 
portunity  was  prevailed  with  to  doe  the  beft  he 
could  to  help  him  and  therefore  gave  him  a  Potion 
of  working  Phyfick,  which  the  Indians  thought 
did  him  good ;  but  his  Diftemper  afterwards  pre 
vailing,  they  entreated  to  difmifs  him,  in  order  to 
a  return  Home,  which  upon  Engagement  of  Ap 
pearance  at  the  next  Court  was  granted  to  him, 
foon  after  his  being  returned  Home,  he  dyed.2?6 

And  this  is  the  Truth  and  Subftance  of  what 
concerns  Tranfactions  with  Alexander,  concerning 
which  fo  many  fabulous  Storyes  have  been  fpread 
abroad.*97 

Alexander  being  dead,  his  Brother  Philip  (of  late 

296  Judge  Davis  has  a  long  Note  to  inc  tide  Mr.  Hubbard's  Account 
in  his  Edition  of  Morton's  Memorial  9  among  the  "  many  fabulous  Storyes" 
on  this  Affair  of  Alexander,  in  which  which  had  been    in    Circulation  is 
he  compares  the   various  Accounts  not  pofitive,  but  probable ;  and  yet 
of  the   Tranfa&ion,    indulging   in  what  Mr.  Hubbard    does  relate  is 
fome  probably  juft  Criticifms  upon  much  to  the  fame  Purport  as  this, 
them.  and  his  Work  had  juft  been   pub- 

liftied.     Perhaps  it  had    been  out 

297  Whether  the  Author  intended     near  fix  Months. 


curfed  Memory)*98  rofe  up  in  his  ftead,  and  he  was 
no  fooner  ftyled  Sacbim,  but  immediately  in  the 
Year  1662.  there  were  vehement  Sufpitions  of  his 
bloudy  Treachery  again  ft  the  Englifh  :  yet  he  pro- 
fefTed  otherwife,  and  making  his  perfonal  Appear 
ance  at  a  Court  holden  at  Plymouth,  renewed  that 
Covenant  which  his  Father  and  Brother  had  con 
firmed  with  the  Englifh  there.a99  This  Covenant 
he  perfidioufly  brake:  For  in  Anno  1671.  it  was 
evident  that  he  with  other  of  his  Confederates 
had  been  confpiring  againft  the  Colony,  under 
whofe  Protection  and  Jurifdidtion  he  had  fubmit- 
ted  himfelf.  He  then  armed  himfelf  and  acted  like 
a  Rebel  that  intended  a  fpeedy  Rifing,  yea,  he 
ordered  (as  fome  Indians  [73]  have  lince  confefled) 
that  if  the  Englifh  did  fend  MefTengers  to  treat 
with  him,  if  above  four  came  in  Company  together 
they  mould  be  mot  down,  and  appointed  fome  to  ly 
in  Ambufh  for  that  End ;  and  behaved  himfelf  after 
a  furly  and  provoking  Manner  towards  MefTengers 
that  defired  Treaty  with  hinV00  and  refufed  to 
appear,  and  give  Anfwer  for  his  Infolencyes,  his 

298  "The   Idea  was    too  much         299This   has  Reference   to    the 

cheriflied,  that  they  [the  firft  Set-  Treaty  in  the  Plymouth  Col.  Recs. 

tiers]  were  themfelves  the  People  as  before    cited    in  Note  295.     It 

of   God — the    chofen   Ifraelites,  was  doubtlefs  owing  to  the  Death  of 

and  that  the  Natives,  being  Hea-  Alexander,  that  Philip  gave  Occa- 

then,  were  in  the  Situation  of  the  lion  for  the  Authorities  of  Plymouth 

Canaanites  whom    the  Children  to  fufpeft  him  of  a  treacherous  De- 

of  Ifrael   had   a  Right,    by  the  fign  againft  the  Colony. 
Command  of  God,  to  extirpate 

them;"     Rev.  John  Taylor   of         3°o  This  Matter  of  the  Treat- 

Deerfield,  in  his  Appendix  to  Wil-  ment  of  Meflengers  is  touched  upon 

lizms's  Redeemed  Captive,  Ed,  1800,  in  the  Brief  Hiftory,  p.  220. 
p.  199. 


[    232    ] 

Covenant  notwithftanding.  Neverthelefs,  he  at 
laft  conceded  to  meet  the  Governour  and  Magif- 
trates  of  Plymouth,  at  Taunton,  where  fundry 
Commiffioners  of  Bofton  were  defired  to  be,  and  to 
hear  the  Matters  of  Difference  between  the  Eng- 
lifh  of  Plymouth  and  this  Philip  Sachim.  This 
Meeting  was  attended  in  April,  1 67 1 .  when  Philip 
confefled  his  Breach  of  Covenant,  and  that  he  had 
groundleflly  taken  up  Arms  againft  them,  whom 
he  had  always  found  friendly  to  him ;  And  fur- 
rendered  fome  of  his  Arms,  engaging  for  the 
delivery  of  the  Reft  in  due  Time.*01  The  Englifh 
being  tender  of  medding  Blood,  let  him  go  upon 
Promife  of  better  Behaviour  for  the  Future.  Soon 
after  this,  Philip  (with  fome  of  his  Counfellors)  re 
paired  to  Bojlon,  endeavouring  to  poflefs  the  Eng 
lifh  there,  with  lying  Informations  about  Injuryes 
done  to  him  by  thofe  of  Plymouth.  Wherefore 
the  Council  of  that  Colony  entreated  that  Com 
miffioners  from  Bofton,  and  from  Connefticut  alfo 
might  be  fent  to  Plymouth,  that  fo  a  fair  Hearing  of 
Differences  before  all  the  World  might  be  attended. 
So  then  in  September  following  the  Governour  of 
Connecticut,  and  feveral  Magiftrates  from  the 
Maffachufetts,  and  fome  other  Gentlemen  met  at 
Plymouth,*0*  where  Philip  appeared,  and  all  his 

301  The  Treaty  of  Taunton  is  Names  of  thofe  appointed  to  treat 
given  in  the  Brief  Hiftory,  p.  223.  with  Philip  were  Gov.  John  Win- 
It  is  alfo  contained  in  Hubbard's  throp  of  Connecticut,  Maj.  General 
Narrative,  11-12.  Jt  bears  Date,  John  Leverett,  Mr.  Thomas  Dan- 
April  loth,  1671.  forth  and  Capt.  William  Davis  of 

Maflachufetts.  The  Names  of 

30a  Thefe  Proceedings  are  entered  "  fome  other  Gentlemen,"  do  not 

upon  the  Records  of  Plymouth.  The  appear  in  the  Records. 


2133 

Allegations  were  heard  to  the  Conviction  pf  Philip 
himfelf,  and  great  Satisfaction  of  all  that  Audience. 
The  Conclufion  was,  Philip  acknowledged  his 
Offence  and  wa?  appointed  to  give  a  Sum  of  Mony 
to  defray  the  Charges  which  his  infolent  Clamours 
had  put  that  Colony  unto,  The  Particulars  which 
Philip  then  covenated  to  were  thefe. 

1.  That  he  would  for  the  Future  be  fubje<3  to 
the  Government  of  Plymouth,  and  to  their  Laws, 

2.  He  engaged  to  pay  the  Colony  an  hundred- 
Pound  towards  reparation  of  fuch  Wrong  as  they 
had  fuftained  by  his  Mifdemeanors. 

3.  He  was  under  Obligations  to  fend  five  Wolves 
Heads  every  Year  to  the  Governour  of  Plymouth 
in  Token  of  his  Fealty, 

4.  That  he  would  not  make  War  with  any  with 
out  the  Approbation  of  that  Government, 

5.  In  Cafe  any  future  Difference  fhould  arife  be 
tween  him  and  the  English,  he  would  repair  to  the 
Government  there  to  rectify  Matters,  before  ingag- 
ing  in  any  hoftile  Attempts. 

[74]  6.  That  he  would  not  difpofe  of  any  of  his 
Lands  but  with  the  Approbation  of  the  Englifh 
Government  there— So  was  he  difmiiTedJ03  Some 

303  Plymouth  had  now,  in  Pro-  KOWPAHENITT;    WUTTA- 

mifes,  all  flic  required  of  the  Warn-  KOOSEEIM ;  SONKANUHOO; 

panoags.     In  Cafe  of  Difobedience,  WOON ASHUM,  alias  NIMROD; 

(he  had  only  to  call  upon  -the  Com-  WOOSPASUCK,      alias     CAP- 

miflioners  to  aid,  if  {he  needed  Aid,  TAINE.     The  Treaty  was  figned 

to  coerce  any  refra&ory  Spirit  among  29  Sept.  1671. 

her  neighbouring  Indians.     Thofe  On  the  3<i  of  November  follow- 

who  made  their  Marks  to  theTreaty  ing  Philip  came  again  ,to  Plymouth 

were   PHILIP,  Sachem  ;  WOH-  with  the  Sachem  of  Saconet,  named 

Ee 


of  thefe  Covenants  were  in  Part  obferved  by  him, 
and  fome  Particulars  not  at  all — Thus  did  Things 
reft  between  the  Englifh  and  him,  until  the  Year 
1 674.  when  in  January  an  Indian  Preacher,  known 
by  the  Name  of  John  Saufaman^  addrefled  him- 
felf  to  the  prefent  Governour  of  Plymouth,  inform 
ing  him  that  the  Indians  were  complotting  the 
Deftru&ion  of  the  Englifh,  and  that  not  only  the 
Wampanoags,  but  the  Narraganfets,  yea,  and  the 
Mohegins  were  involving  themfelves  in  this  Con- 
fpiracy.  This  Saufaman  was  by  Birth  a  Majfachufet, 
his  Father  and  Mother  living  in  Dorchefter,  and 
they  both  died  Chriftians.  This  their  Son  did  for 
fome  Time  apoftatize  from  his  Chriftian  Profeffion, 
and  lived  like  an  Heathen,  being  Philips  Secretary 
(for  he  could  write  a  very  legible  Hand)  and  one 
of  his  Counfellors,  untill  at  laft  God  convinced  him 
of  his  Mifery,  and  he  manifefted  fuch  evident  Signs 
of  Repentance  as  that  he  was,  after  his  Return  from 
Pagan  Philip,  reconciled  to  the  praying  Indians 
and  baptized,  and  received  as  a  Member  in  one  of 
the  Indian  Churches,  yea  and  imployed  as  an  In- 
ftrudtor  amongft  them  every  Lords  Day.  Never- 
thelefs,  his  Information  (becaufe  it  had  an  Indian 
Original,  and  one  can  hardly  believe  them  when 
they  fpeak  Truth)  was  not  at  firfl  much  regarded, 

TAKAMUNNA,  who  alfo  figned  curity.  Plym.  Col.  Recs.,  v,  67-80. 
an  Article  binding  him  to  the  Ob- 

fervance  of  the  Treaty  of  the  2pth  304  His   own    Signature   upon  a 

of  September  preceding.     He  alfo  Document  in  my  Pofleffion  is  Wuf- 

agreed  to  pay  one  WolPs  Head  per  faufman ;  a  Fac   Simile  of  which 

annum  "  into  the  Treafury  of  Ply-  may  be  feen  in  the  Hift.  and  Anti- 

"  mouth,"  Philip  becoming  his  Se-  ftiititf  of  Bo  ft  on,  397. 


235 

untill  by  Relation  of  Circumftances,  he  made  it 
too  apparent  that  Philip  was  really  hatching  Mif- 
chief.  The  Effect  was,  the  Governour  of  Plymouth 
advifing  with  his  Councill,  refolved  once  more  to 
fend  for  Philip,  and  to  enquire  into  the  Truth  of 
Things  :  But  before  that  could  be  accomplished, 
an  Indian  called  Tobias,  with  his  Son,  and  another 
Indian  named  Matta/hinnamy,  meeting  with  John 
Saujaman  at  a  Pond,  cruelly  murdered  him ;  and 
that  their  Villany  might  not  be  difcovered,  they 
cut  an  Hole  through  the  Ice,  and  put  in  the  dead 
murthered  Body,  leaving  his  Hat  and  Gun  upon  the 
Ice,  that  fo  others  might  think  that  he  had  drowned 
himfelf.  It  being  rumored  that  Saufaman  was  loft, 
the  dead  Body  was  fought  after,  and  found  in  the 
Pond,  and  taken  up  and  buried.30* 

Jealoufies  being  on  the  Spirits  of  Men  that  the 
other  Indians  had  murthered  him,  on  Account  of 
revealing  their  Confpiracyes  to  the  Englifh  :  The 
Governour  of  Plymouth  ordered  the  Conftable  of 
Mtddkburyv**  (that  being  the  neareft  Town  to  the 
Place  where  the  Murther  was  committed)  to  caufe 
John  Saufamans  Body  to  be  taken  up  again,  and 
to  empanel  a  Jury  as  a  Coroners  Inqueft,  to  make 
Enquiry  how  he  come  by  his  Death  :3°7  And  they 

305  Affawomfet  Pond  in  Middle-     Midway  between  Plymouth  and  a 
borough  was  the  Place  where  Sau-     noted  Point  on  Taunton  or  Tehti- 
faman's  Body  was  foun,d.     He  was     cut  River. 

murdered    on    the    2pth    January, 

1674-5.  307  The  Names  of  the  Jurymen 

were    WILLIAM  SABINE,    WILLIAM 

306  Middleborough  ;  faid  to  have     CROCKER,   EDWARD  STURGIS,  WIL- 
been  fo  called  becaufe  it  was  about     LIAM  BROOKES,    NATHANIL   WINS- 


[  236  ] 

found  that  he  had  been  murthered,  for  his  Neck 
was  broken  by  twifting  of  his  Head  round  ;  which 
is  the  [^5]  Way  that  the  Indians  fometimes  ufe 
when  they  practice  Mufthers  ;  alfo  his  Head  was 
extreamly  fwollen,  and  his  Body  was  wounded  in 
feveral  Parts  of  it,  and  when  it  was  firft  taken  out 
of  the  Pond,  no  Water  iflued  out  of  it,  which 
argued  that  the  Body  was  not  drowned,  but  dead 
before  it  came  into  the  Water. 

Moreover,  when  Tobias,  (the  fufpected  Mur- 
therer)  came  near  the  dead  Body,  it  fell  a  bleeding 
on  frefh  as  if  it  had  been  newly  flain,  albeit  it  was 
buried  a  confiderable  Time  before  thatJ08 

Afterwards  an  Indian  called  Patuckfon,  came  and 
jteftified  to  their  Faces  that  he  faw  Tobias  and  the 
other  Indians  murthering  Saufaman :  He  alfo  him- 
ielf  before  his  Death  had  declared,  that  he  was 


LOW,  JOHN  WADSWORTH,  ANDNEW 

RfNGE,  ROBERT  VlXON,  JOHN  DONE, 

JONATHAN  BANGS,  JONATHAN  SHAW, 

and  BENJAMIN  HIGGINS. 
"  Itt  was  judged  very  expedient  by 
the  Court,  that  together  with  this 
Englifh  Jury  aboue  named,  fome 
of  the  moft  indifferenteft,  graueft 
and  'fage  Indians  fhould  be  ad 
mitted  to  be  with  the  faid  Jury, 
and  to  help  to  confult  and  aduice 
with,  of,  and  concerning  the 
Premifes.  Their  Names  are  as 
followeth,  viz*,  one  called  by  an 
Englim  Name,  HOPE,  and  MAS- 
KIPPAGUE,  WANNOO,  GEORGE, 

'  WAMPYE,  and  ACANOOTUS  ;  thefe 

4  fully  concurred  with   the   aboue 
written  Jury  in  theire  VedicV* 

Plymouth  Col.  Rffs.,  v,  1 68. 


308  The  Praftice  of  this  Method 

for  the  Difcovery  of  a  Murderer  is 

very  ancient,    and  dates   probably 

near  the  Beginning  of  the  human 

Family.     King  James  alludes  to  it 

in  his  Dcmonolegy — he  fays,  "  if  the 

dead   Carkafe  bee  at  any  Time 

thereafter  handled   by  the  Mur- 

therer,  it  will  gum  out  of  Blood, 

as  if  the  Blood  were  crying  to  the 

Heaven  for  Reuenge  of  the  Mur- 

therer,  God  having  appointed  that 

fecret  fupernatural  Signe  for  triall 

of  that  fecret  unnatural  Crime." 

This   is   certainly   worthy   of  the 

Author  of  the  Demonology. 

It  may  be  prefumed  that  there 
were  few  Occalions  when  this  Teft 
was  required,  or  if  required  the 
Murderer  was  not  found. 


237 

afraid  thofc  very  Indians  would  at  laft  prove  his 
Murtherers. 

They  were  therefore  apprehended  and  kept  in 
Durance  untill  Plymouth  Court,  which  was  held 
in  June,  1675.  and  being  found  guilty  of  Saufa- 
marfs  Death,  they  were  (one  of  them  before  his 
Execution  confefling  the  Murther)  condemned  and 
executed.30*  And  then  did  Philip,  being  (as  was 
verily  fuppofed)  privy  to  what  Tobias  (his  Counfel- 
lor)  and  thofe  with  him  had  perpetrated  upon  John 
Saufaman,  fell  to  open  Rebellion  and  bjoodmedding 
amongft  the  Englim  at  Swanzy,  who  were  his 
next  Neighbours. 

But  of  the  fpecial  Occurrences  attending  the  late 
(and  not  yet  ended)  War  between  the  Englim  and 
the  Indians,  I  have  elfewhere  given  a  brief  Account, 
and  therefore  mall  not  here  add  anything,  that  not 
comporting  with  my  prefent  Deiign.310 

The  Particulars  which  have  been  mentioned,  are 

309  Their  Names  were  Tobias,  CounfeBors,  whofe  Death  doubtlefs 

Wampapaquan  his  Son,  and  Mat-  exafperated    Philip    and  his   other 

tafhunannamo.     Tobias  and  his  Son  Chiefs,    and   was    the    immediate 

were  executed  by  being    "  hanged  Caufe  of  the  War  that  followed. 

"  by  the  Head,"  on  June  8th,  1 675 .  The  Indians  underftood  very  little 

"  But  the  faid  Wampapaquan,  on  of    Agreements    made    by    a   few 

"  fome  Confiderations  was  reprieued  Scratches  upon  Paper  with  Pen  and 

"  vntil  a  Month  be  expired."     He  Ink.     And  they  looked  upon  it  that 

was  however  mot  within  the  Month  it  was  no  bufinefs  of  the  Englifh  to 

— probably    owing    to    the    Com-  punUh  one  Indian  for  killing  another, 

menccment  of  Hoftilities  by  Philip ;  See  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  5-6. 
for   it  will   be    remembered,    that 

within  fixteen  Days  from  the  Time  310The  Author  here   refers  to 

Tobias  and  his  Son  were  hanged,  the  Brief  Hiflory  which  he  published 

the  War  began  in  Swanzey.     To-  the  previous  Summer  or  Autumn, 

bias  was  a  Chief  and  one  of  Philip's  fo  fully  noticed  in  this  Volume. 


C  238  ] 

the  chief  (if  not  the  only)  Troubles3"  which  have 
hapned  by  the  Indians  in  New  England,  from  the 
firft  Planting  thereof  by  the  Englifh  till  the  late 
Commotions.  Some  few  private  Murthers  there 
have  been,  which  are  not  infifted  on  in  this  Nar 
rative,  as  namely  thofe  at  Nantucket, *l*  and  that  by 
Matoonas  his  Son,  and  that  at  Woburn^  but  the 
publick  Peace  was  not  fo  endangered  by  thofe 
clandeftine  Revenges,  as  by  the  Confpiracyes,  the 
Relation  whereof  hath  been  defcribed. 

It  is  eafy  to  obferve ;  from  the  Hiftory  of  thefe 
Troubles,  that  whereas  there  have  been  two  Sorts 
of  Men  defigning  Settlement  in  this  Part  of  America, 
fome  that  came  hither  on  Account  of  Trade  and 
worldly  Interefts,  by  whom  the  Indians  have  been 
fcandalized,  others  that  came  hither  on  a  religious 
and  confcientious  Account,  having  in  their  Eye  the 
Converfion  of  the  Heathen  unto  Chrift ;  the  former 
have  [76]  been  attended  with  blafting  ruining 
Providences,314  thefe  latter  have  been  fignally  owned 

311  This  is  hardly  exprefled  as  it  313"  That  by  Matonas  his  Son, 
fhould  be  by  one  who  had  read  the  *'  and  that  at  Woburn  "  I  judge  to 
Records  of  the  Commijfioners  of  the  refer    to    the     fame    Tranfaftion. 
United  Colonies  as  the  Author  muft  Compare  what  is  faid  in  the  Old 
have  done,  as  thefe  Notes  (how.  Indian    Chronicle,    137-8,    with  a 

Communication  of  the  Rev.  Samuel 

312  Perhaps  the   Nature    of  the  Sewall,    D.  D.,    publifhed    in    the 
Affair  at  Nantucket  may  be  learned  Book  of  the  Indians,   698-9.     See 
from  Macy's  Hiftory  of  that  Ifland.  alfo  Hubbard's  Nar.,  7.      Accord- 
See  Macy's  Work,  42-44.     In  the  ing  to  the  Cbronic!e>ti\e  Murder  at 
Year  1665,  King  Philip  purfued  a  Woburn  was  about  1669  or  1670. 
Fugitive  to  Nantucket,  putting  the 

Inhabitants  into  a  great  Fright.    All  314  Had  the  Author  been  able  to 

that  has  been  learned  refpecling  this  extend  his  prophetic  Vifion  a  hun- 

Raid  of  Philip  will  be  found  in  the  dred  Years  in   advance  of  his  own 

Book  of  the  Indians,  202.  Age,  his  Views  refpeding  the  Ob- 


239 

by  the  Lord  Jefus,  for  the  like  hath  been  rarely 
known  in  the  World,  that  a  Plantation  fhould  be 
raifed  out  of  nothing,  and  brought  to  fuch  confid- 
erablenefs  in  fo  mort  a  Time,  whereas  in  the  Clofe 
of  the  laft  Century,  there  was  not  fo  much  as  one 
Chriftian  in  this  Land,  there  are  now  above  Four- 
fcore  Englifh,  and^£*  Indian  Churches,  therein,  be- 
fides  many  other  Congregations  calling  upon  the 
Name  of  the  True  God  in  Jefus  Chrift,  although 
as  yet  not  brought  into  Church  eftate,  according 
to  the  Order  of  the  Gofpel. 

This  is  the  Lords  doing,  and  it  is  marvellous  in 
our  Eyes. 


jefts  of  our  Fathers  would  have  been 
fomewhat  modified.  That  any  Set 
tlement  was,  or  could  have  been 
made  independent  of  Trade  is  pre- 
pofterous.  That  the  Plymouth  Set 


tlers  were  Traders,  is  as  plain  as 
that  they  were  generally  a  fuperior 
Company  of  Emigants  to  fbme  of 
thofe  who  preceded,  as  well  as  many 
who  followed  them. 


FINIS. 


An 

HISTORICAL  DISCOURSE 

Concerning  the 

PREVALENCY 

OF 

PRAYER. 

Wherein  is  Jhown  that  Neiv-Englands  Late  Deliverance  from  the 
Rage  of  the  Heathen  is  an  Eminent  Anjwer  to  Prayer. 

By  INCREASE  MATHER, 

'Teacher  of  a  Church  in  Bofton  in  New-England. 

Pfal.  1 02.  1 8.      This  Jball  be  written  for  the  Generation  to  come. 

Jam.  5.  17.  1 8.  Elias  was  a  man  Jubjefl  to  like  paffions,  as  we  are,  and 
be  prayed  earneftly  that  it  might  not  rain,  and  it  rained  not  on  the 
Earth  by  the  fpace  of  three  years  and  fix  moneths ;  and  be  prayed 
again,  and  the  heaven  gave  rain,  and  the  earth  brought  forth  her  fruit. 

Preces  et  Lachrimas  funt  Arma  Ecclifiae      Ambrofius. 
Oratio  eft  vis  Deo  grata.      Turtul. 


Bofton,  printed  and  fold  by  John  Fofter.    1677. 


[iii] 


TO  THE  READER. 


MY  Dejign  in  the  Subfequent  Difcourfe,  is  not  to 
enumerate  all  the  Particulars  which  might 
be  mentioned,  that  doe  evince  New-Englands  late 
Deliverance  to  be  a  great  Anfwer  of  Prayer :  only 
to  take  Notice  of  fome  more  eminent  PaJ/ages  of 
Divine  Providence,  whereby  it  doth  appear  that  the 
God  of  our  Salvation  hath  anjwered  us  by  terrible 
Things  in  Right eoufnefs,  againft  our  Heathen  Adver- 
faryes.  There  is  now  Caufe  for  an  Holy  Sollicitude 
left  Security  Jhould  be  the  Effect  of  thefe  Difpenfations ; 
left  we  Jhould  now  fay,  our  Mountain  is  made  ftrong, 
and  we  Jhall  never  be  moved.  Howbeit  there  is  little 
Re af on  for  fuch  Imaginations,  if  Things  be  duly  laid 
to  Heart :  we  cannot  but  remember  how  near  this 
Tree  was  to  cutting  down  a  Tear  or  two  agoe ;  but 
the  Lord  of  the  Vineyard  hath  at  the  earneft  Inter  - 
cejjion  of  his  Servants  let  it  alone  this  Year  alio. 
But  who  can  fay,  how  far  the  Lord  may  cut  and  lop 
and  mar  our  Vine  branches  before  many  Tears  be 
expired?  To  this  Day  we  fee  not  the  End  of  our  late 
bleeding  Diftrejfes^1*  and  when  this  Day  of  Trouble 

315  It  will    be   noticed    that  this  riming  Veflels  had  been  furprifed  and 

Preface  was  written  amidft  Alarms  their  Crews  carried  into  Captivity, 

and  Defolations.      Philip  had  been  and  Men  were  killed  at  Black  Point, 

dead  a  Year,  but  there  were  fearful  And,  only  a  Month  later,  twenty - 

Ravages  in  the  Eaft  and  in  the  Weft,  four  People  were  killed  and  carried 

Only  in   the   previous   July    many  away  from  Hatfield  and  Deerfield. 


244  To  the  Reader. 

Jhallbe  over,  I  for  my  part,  muft  folemnly  profeff  and 
\  dec /are,  that  I  look  for  another  feven  times  greater, 
\though  'what  it  Jhall  be,  or  how  it  fhall  come  to  pafs 
\f  cannot  teil ;  for  I  pretend  not  to  any  Revelation, 
beyond  what  they  that  diligently  compare  the  Word 
and  Works  of  God  together,  may  attain  unto.  It 
grieveth  me  not  a  little  that  I  Jhould  fo  frequently 
write  and  fpeak  in  fnch  a  Strain,  but  I  cannot  for 
bear,  the  Lord  hath  fpoken,  who  can  but  prophecy  ? 
There  ate  many  Confederations,  which  are  enough  to 
caufe  Jad  Expectations  of  fome  more  fatal  Changes 
of  Providence  not  far  off,  but  efpe  dally  thefe  two. 

[ivl  I.  There  is  not  a  general  Reformation  in  New 
England  fo  much  as  in  any  one  Particular,  notwith- 
ftanding  the  Lord  hath  tryed  us  by  all  Manner  of 
Wayes  that  may  be  thought  of,  even  by  lejfer  and 
greater  Judgments,  and  by  jignal  Mercy es  and  De 
liverances :  and  that  which  aggravateth  our  un~ 
reformednefs,  is,  that  in  the  Time  of  our  Trouble  we 
have  faid,  arife  and  fave  us. 

2.  There  are  Evil  Is  prevailing  among  ft  us,  which 
if  they  be  not  reformed,  the  Lords  Controverfy  will 
not  be  ended,  Juch  as  notorious  Self ' feeking,  reigning 
Pride,  jhameful  Drunkennefs,  with  the  Occajions 
Leading  thereunto;  wofull  Apoftacy,  the  blejjed 
Defign  of  our  Fathers  in  coming  into  this  Wilder nefs 
not  being  minded  and  attended  as  ought  to  be  :  and  as 
Things  are  circumftanced,  there  is  no  Hope  that  thefe 
and  other  Evils  Jhould  be  reformed,  untill  God  arife 
and  Jhake  terribly  the  Earth.  So  that  Nil  nifi  vota 
fuperfunt.  On  thefe  Accounts,  it  concerns  us,  to  be 


To  the  Reader.  245 

crying  unto  the  Lord  Day  and  Night.  If  wee  look 
abroad  upon  the  Face  of  the  Earth,  in  other  Parts 
of  the  World,  the  Children  are  come  to  the  Birth,  and 
there  is  not  Strength  to  bring  forth.  We  behold 
yap%Y}v  'o>5tV&)u  the  Begining  of  travailing  Sorrows, 
evenfuch  Things  as  Evidence  that  fome  great  Birth 
is  at  Hand.  And  in  our  Horizon  dark  Clouds  gather 
apace,  and  the  Heavens  are  covered  over  with  black- 
nefs.  Surely  in  thefe  Refpects,  we  may  truly  fay  as 
fometime  that  Martyr  did,  Pray,  Pray,  Pray,  never 
more  need  than  now.  And  conjidering  the  blejjed 
Encouragement  God  hath  given  us,  whatever  come  on 
us,  let  us  be  found fo  doing. 


BOSTON,  N.  E. 
Auguft.  1 6.   1677. 


Increase  Mather. 


[I]  An 

HISTORICAL  DISCOURSE 

Concerning  the  Prevalency  of 

PRAYER. 


IT  was  a  great  Word  (and  if  rightly  underftood, 
a  true  Word)  which  Luther  fpake  when  he 
faid,  Eft  qutedam  precum  omnipotentia,  there  is 
a  kind  of  Omnipotency  in  Prayer  ;  and  the  Reafon 
is  obvious,  viz.  In  that  the  Almighty  doth  luffer 
himfelf  to  be  prevailed  upon  and  overcome  by 
Prayer.  Had  not  Jacob  in  this  refpect  Power  with 
God  ?  Yea  when  he  made  his  Supplication,  he  had 
Power,  and  prevailed  over  the  Angel,  even  that 
Angel  who  is  the  Lord  of  Hofts,  the  Lord  is  his 
Memorial.  '  Where  do  we  find  in  all  the  Books  of 
God  a  more  wonderfull  Expreffion,  then  that  of 
the  Lord  to  praying  Mofes,  Now  let  me  alone  ? 
That  ever  the  eternal  God  fhould  become  thus  a 
see  Mr  Haii  Petitioner  to  a  poor  mortal  Man  !  Feriendi 
p/aim  82,  p.  Hcentiam  petit  a  Mofe  qui  fecit  Mqfen. 
183, 184.  prayer  then  is  like  the  Sword  of  Saul,  or 
the  Bow  of  Jonathan,  which  never  returned  empty 
from  the  Battle.  Prayer  is  ftronger  than  iron 


248       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

Gates.  At  the  Prayers  of  the  Church  the  iron 
Gates  fly  open,  and  the  Apoftles  Fetters  fall  off. 
Sometimes  the  Prayers  of  one  Man  that  hath  an 
eminent  Intereft  in  God,  are  a  Means  to  preferve  a 
whole  Town,  yea  a  whole  Land  from  Deftruction, 
ou  r*  wel  might  the  Antient  fay,  Homine  probo 

Chryfoftom.  •  »  •»  •  TT  r         i-  i     A  i 

orante  mml  potentius.  How  tar  did  Abra 
hams  Prayers  prevail  for  Sodom  ?  Did  not  Elijahs 
Prayers  open  and  fhut  the  Windows  of  Heaven  ? 
Did  they  not  bring  down  Showers  when  the  gafp- 
ing  Earth  was  ready  to  dy  for  Thirft  ?  When  a  [2] 
fiery  Drought  had  like  to  have  devoured  the 
Land  of  Ifrael,  and  the  Prophet  Amos  prayed  and 
cried  to  the  Lord,  faying,  O  Lord  God,  Ceafe  I 
befeech  thee,  by  whom  fhall  Jacob  arife  ?  for  be  is 
fmall ;  the  Lord  repented  for  this,  and  f aid  this  Jhall 
not  be. 

Wars,  when  juftly  undertaken,  have  been  fuc- 
cefsful  through  the  prevalency  of  Prayer. 

Mofes  in  the  Mount  praying,  is  too  ftrong  for 
all  the  Armies  in  the  Valley  fighting.  When  the 
Philiftines  went  up  againft  the  Children  of  Ifrael, 
Samuel  ceafed  not  to  cry  to  the  Lord  for  Ifrael,  and 
the  Lord  thundered  with  a  great  thunder  that  Day 
upon  the  Philiftines,  and  difcomfited  them,  that 
they  were  fmitten  before  Ifrael.  Jehojhaphat,  when 
furrounded  by  a  Multitude  of  heathen  Enemyes, 
by  Prayer  overcame  them.  When  Zera  the 
Ethiopian  came  againft  the  Lords  People  with  an 
Hoft  of  a  thoufand  thoufand  Men,  Afa  by  Prayer 
and  Faith  overcome  them  all.  Hezekiah  and  Ifaiah 
by  their  Prayers  brought  an  Angel  down  from 


"The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       249 

Heaven,  who  flew  an  hundred  and  fourfcore  and 
five  thoufand  Aflyrians,  in  the  Hoft  of  Sennacherib 
in  one  Night. 

And  befides  thefe  and  many  Scriptural  Examples 
ciuverius  in  in  ecclefiaftical  Story,  Instances  to  this 
2KSif  Purpoie  are  frequently  obferved.  The 
Epitome,  P.  304  History  of  the  thundering  Legion  isfam- 
oufly  known.  Thus  it  was. 

The  Emperour  Marcus  Aurelius  going  to  war 
againft  the  ^uadsy  Vandals,  Sarmats  and  Germans, 
who  were  nine  hundred  feventy  and  five  thoufand 
fighting  Men ;  The  Imperialifts  were  fo  cooped 
up  by  their  numerous  Enemies,  in  flrait,  dry,  and 
hot  Places,  that  the  Souldiers  having  been  deftitute 
of  Water  for  five  Days  together,  they  were  all  like 
to  have  perimed  for  thirft.  In  this  exremity,  a 
Legion  of  Chriftian  Souldiers  being  in  the  Army, 
withdrew  themfelves  apart  from  the  Reft,  and  fall 
ing  proftrate  on  the  Earth,  by  ardent  Prayers  pre 
vailed  with  God,  that  he  imediately  fent  a  moft 
plentiful  Rain,  whereby  the  Army  that  otherwife 
had  perimed,  was  refrefhed  and  dreadfull  Light 
nings  flamed  in  the  Faces  of  their  Enemies,  fo  as 
that  they  were  difcomfited  and  put  to  flight.  The 
Effect  of  which  was,  that  the  Perfecution  which 
before  that  the  Emperour  defigned  again  ft  the 
Chriftians,  was  diverted ;  and  that  praying  Legion 
did  afterwards,  bear  the  Name  of  xepvvo(3oto$  the 
Lightning  Legion. 

Conftantine  the  Great,  being  to  join  the  Battle 
Erefebuus  in  with  the  Heathen  Tyrant  Licinius,  fingled 
°r  out  a  Number  of  godly  Minifters  of  [3] 

Gg 


250       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

Chrift,  and  with  them  betook  himfelf  to  earneft 
Prayer  and  Supplication,  after  which  God  gave 
him  a  notable  and  glorious  Victory  over  his  Ene 
mies.  But  Licinius  himfelfe  efcaped  at  that  Time, 
and  raifed  another  Army,  which  was  purfued  by 
Conftantine,  who  before  he  would  engage  with  the 
Enemy,  caufed  a  Tent  to  be  erected,  wherein  he 
did  fpend  fome  Time  in  Parting  and  Prayer, 
being  attended  with  a  Company  of  holy  praying 
Men  round  about  him,  after  which  marching 
againft  his  Enemies,  he  fought  them,  and  ob 
tained  a  more  glorious  Victory  than  the  former, 
and  the  Grand  Rebel  Licinius  was  then  taken  Pri- 
foner. 

Theodofius*16  being  in  no  fmall  Danger  by  Reafon 
Lego  Theo-  of  the  potent  Army  of  Adverfaryes  he  had  to 
dofi  mtam.  do  with,  in  his  Diftrefs  cryed  unto  Heaven 
for  Help,  and  behold  !  the  Lord  fent  fuch  a  terrible 
Tempeft,  as  the  like  was  not  known,  whereby  the 
Darts  of  the  Enemy  were  driven  back  upon  them- 
AU  uft  De  ^ves»  to  ^eir  own  Confufion,  which 
a-vitatcDci  caufed  Claudian  the  Poet,  (though  no  great 
Lib.  s.  6.»6.  Friend  to  the  Chriftian  Name)  to  fay  con 
cerning  Theodofius, 

O  nimium  dilette  Deo  cut  militat  jEtber, 
Et  conjurati  veniunt  ad  Claffica  fenti.3l7 

316  Theodofius,  Senior.  He  died     The  Lines  he  intended  to  quote  are  : 

397*  O  nimium  dile&e  deo,  cui  funditab  antris 

yEolus  armatas  hyemes,  cui  militat  aether, 

3 1 7  The  Author  has  made  Claudian      Et  conjurati  veniunt  ad  claffica  venti. 
appear  to   great  Difadvantage,   by     a.  Claud.  Pancg.  Lib.  vi.  F.  123,  Ed, 
quoting  him  in  a  blundering  Manner.     Paris,  1530. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       251 

It  is  ftoried  concerning  the  City  of  Nifibis  that  being 
s  m  fon's  ftraitty  befieged  by  Sapores  King  of  Perlia, 


fs  the  diftreffed  Citizens  defired  a  devout  and 
ticaiHift.  j^jy  jyjan  amongfl.  them  (whofe  Name  was 

James)  to  be  earneft  with  the  Lord  in  their  Behalf. 
He  was  fo  ;  and  the  Effect  was,  God  lent  an  Army 
of  Gnats  and  Flyes  among  the  Per/tans,  which  fo 
vexed  and  tormented  them,  as  that  they  were 
forced  to  raife  the  Seige  and  depart. 

Amongft  the  Waldenfes  fometimes  an  inconfid- 
erable  Number    have    prevailed  over  their 

Morland  . 

Hift.  wd-  popiih  Adveriaryes.  At  one  Time  five 
hundred  of  thefe  poor  praying  Saints  over 
threw  two  thoufand  and  five  hundred  of  their 
Enemies  who  fcoffed  at  them  becaufe  they  would 
fall  upon  their  knees  and  pray  before  they  would 
fight. 

In  the  Land  of  our  Father's  Sepulchres,  when 
Ofwald  (who  fucceded  his  Father  Ethelfride  in  the 
Northern  Kingdom)  was  aflaulted  by  Cedwalla  and 
Penda,  two  Heathen  Kings,  that  raifed  a  great  Army, 
defigning  the  Ruin  of  Ofwald  and  his  People,  he 
humbly  and  earneftly  addrefled  himfelf  to  the  Lord 
of  Hofts,  the  great  Giver  of  Victory,  entreating 
see  Clark's  him  to  fhew  his  own  Power  in  faving  and 
Example,  jw.  protecting  his  People  from  the  Rage  of 
idem  eodem  heathen  Adverfaryes  :  which,  joyning  battle 
with  his  Enemyes,  [4]  albeit  their  Army 

31  s  This  Reference  would  fcarcely  held  forth   in  fame    Tboufands   of 

be  known  at  this  Day.     The  Work  Examples,  &c.     Printed  in  London 

referred  to  is  —  A  Mirrour  or  Look-  in  1671.     Chapter  C.    is    headed 

ing-Glafs  both  for  Saints  and  Sinners,  Examples  of  the  Power,  and  Preva- 


252       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

was  far  greater  than  his,  he  obtained  a  wonderful 
Victory,  wherein  Cedwalla  himfelf  was  flain. 

When  England  was  invaded  by  the  Danes  under 
the  Conduct  of  their  King  Ofrick,  who  encamped 
at  AJhdon,  King  Ethelred  betook  himfelf  to  Prayer; 
and  marching  againft  the  Danifh  Army,  put  them 
to  flight,  and  flew  the  greateft  Part  of  them. 

Guftavus  Adolphus  the  King  of  Sweden,  nofooner 
landed  in  his  Enemies  Territoryes,  but  he  addrefled 
himfelf  to  Heaven  for  Victory,  and  encouraged  his 
Counsellors  and  Commanders  by  faying  The  greater 
the  Army  of  Prayers  is,  the  greater  and  more  ajjured 
Jhall  be  our  Viftory.  Yea  it  was  his  Manner  when 
the  Armyes  were  fet  in  Battle  array,  to  lift  up  his 
Eyes  to  Heaven  and  fay,  Lord  projper  the  Battle  of 
this  Day,  according  as  thou  feejt  my  Heart  doth  aim 
at  thy  Glory,  and  the  good  of  thy  Church.  And  how 
fuccefsful  did  God  make  that  excellent  Prince  to 


But  what  need  we  go  far  to  find  Examples  con 
firming  the  Truth  of  this  Aflertion,  that  Prayer  is 
of  Wonderfull  Prevalency,  fince  our  own  Eyes  have 
feen  it  ?  New  England  may  now  fay,  if  the  Lord 
(even  the  Prayer  hearing  God)  had  not  been  on 

lency  of  Prayer.     But  the  Author  "  made  one  fay, 

has  given  a  wrong  Reference,  for  Vpon  this  Place  the  great  Guftavus  di'd, 

there  is  nothing  in  the   Chapter  of  Whilft  Victory  lay  bleeding  by  his  Side.' 

Clarke's  Examples  referred  to  upon  „  Re   ^  flain£  b  ^   ^^ 

*      ^   int£eTeXtV,ee  'at    Lutzen>    November    the    16 

BnefHiJtory   161,  for  a  Note  upon      .  AnnQ  Chrift}   l6        and  of  his 

the  Author  of  the  Examples.  (  Ag£  ^  ^f  Q^^  Maf_  ^ 

319  "  His  Army  won  the  Day,     row  of  Eccl.  Hijt.,  Pt.  n,  p.  265,  ) 
"  though  they  loft  their  King  ;  which     Edit.  1  650.  4°. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       253 

our  Side  when  Men  rofe  up  againft  us,  they  had 
fwallowed  us  up ;  then  the  proud  Waters  had  gone 
over  our  Soul.  And  thus  hath  it  been  more  than 
once  or  twice,  efpecially  fince  the  late  Infurrection 
and  Rebellion  of  the  Heathen  Nations  round  about 
us.  We  cannot  but  acknowledge,  and  Pofterity 
muft  know,  that  we  were  in  Appearance  a  gone 
and  ruined  People,*20  and  had  been  fo  ere  this  Day, 
if  the  Lord  had  not  been  a  God  that  heareth 
Prayer. 

And  there  are  efpecially  two  Confederations  that 
doe  evince,  that  New  England*  Deliverance  from  the 
Rage  of  the  Heathen  is  an  eminent  Anfwer  of  Prayer, 
I.  In  that  God  hath  gracioufly  anfwered  us  as  to 
the  very  Petitions  that  have  bin  moftly  infifi-d  on, 
as  will  appear  to  Admiration  by  inftancing  in  fome 
Particulars. 

i.  Then,  How  often  have  we  prayed  that  the 
Lord  would  divide,  infatuate  andfruftrate  the  Coun- 
files  of  the  Heathen  that  fought  our  Ruine.  As 
ftfmetimes  David  when  purfued  by  Abfalom  prayed 
faying,  O  Lord  divide  their  Tongues.  Pfal.  55.  9. 
Again  David  faid,  O  Lord  I  pray  thee  turn  the 
CounfellofAchitophelintofoolifhnefs.  2.  Sam.  15.31. 
Thofe  Requefts  of  David  were  heard,  and  therefore 
AbfalomsCounfellours  were  divided,one  giving  this, 

320  It  is  a  well  known  Portion  of  vent  it  being  anything  but  a  Defert. 
New  England  Hiftory,  that  the  early  Some  of  the  Weft  India  Iflands 
Settlers  were  importuned  by  their  were  ftrongly  recommended  to  them 
Friends  in  England  to  abandon  the  in  the  Time  of  Cromwell's  Corn- 
Country,  as  not  fit  for  Habitation,  monwealth.  Some  thirty  Years  later 
Its  fevere  Winters  and  fterile  Soil  many  "  pulled  up  Stakes  "  and  went 
it  was  argued,  would  forever  pre-  to  New  Jerfey,  and  other  Points  fouth. 


254       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

and  another  that  Advice ;  and  the  fubtle  Counfell 
of  Achitoplel  (which  had  it  teen  hearkened  unto, 
David  and  thofe  with  [5]  him  had  perifhed)  muft 
not  be  followed.  In  like  Manner  hath  the  Lord 
done  for  us ;  we  have  heard  how  that  after  the 
Fort  fight,  Decemb.  19.  1675.  fome  of  the  Indian 
Counfellors  advifed  that  they  might  purfue  our 
Army  when  upon  their  Retreat  ;3ZI  which  if  they 
had  fo  done,  how  fatal  would  the  Confequence  have 
proved  ?  But  therefore  God  divided  their  Counfells, 
that  others  were  of  another  Mind. 

Moreover  we  have  received  Informations,  con 
cerning  a  great  Confultation  amongft  the  Indians, 
loon  after  their  Mifchief  done  at  Sudbury  in  April. 
1676.3"  Had  they  then  continued  to  moleft  the 
Englifh,  our  Cafe  had  been  fad ;  but  they  fuppofed 
they  had  Time  enough  before  them,  and  therefore 
refolved  to  be  quiet  a  Month  or  two,  in  order  to 
Attendance  upon  their  own  Planting  and  Fifhing. 

We  have  alfo  heard  that  the  old  crafty  Serpents 
amongft  the  Indians  advifed  that  they  might  fhun 
all  Encounter  with  the  Englifh  Forces,  and  rather 
difperfe  themfelves  into  fmall  Partyes,  and  fo  fall 
upon  the  Englifh  Towns,  burning  their  Houfes, 
deftroying  their  Cattle  &c.  but  that  the  young  Men 

3-21  This  was  reported  by  Cap-  that  Fight  "  rather  like  Dogs  which 

lives  taken  fometime  after  the  Fight.  have  loft  their  Ears."  And, 

when  they  went  they  afted  as  if 

322  Mrs.  Rowlandfon  who  was  a  the  Devil  had  told  them  that  they 

Prifoner  among  them  at  the  Time  mould  gain  a  Viftory,  and  now 

fpoken  of,  does  not  mention  any  they  adted  as  if  the  Devil  had  told 

"  great  Confultation  "  about  follow-  them  they  mould  haue  a  Fall." 

ing  up  their  Viftory.  On  the  other  Captivity,  49.  Ed.  in  Indian  Nar- 

Hand  flic  fays  they  returned  from  rativet. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       255 

thought  it  beft  to  cut  off  our  Souldiers,  and  then 
they  fuppofed  they  might  do  what  they  pleafed 
with  our  Towns.  Thus  were  their  Tongues 
divided  and  Counfils  turned  into  foolifhnefs. 

2.  How  often  have  we  prayed  that  God  would  do 
for  us  as  in  the  Days  of  Midian,  by  caufing  the 
Heathen  to  deftroy  one  another,  and  that  the  Egyptians 
might  befet  againft  the  Egyptians.  The  Lord  hath 
anlwered  that  Requeft  alio.  For  the  Indians  have 
been  wafting  and  killing  one  another,3*3  yea  not 
only  fuch  Indians  as  do  pretend  Friendfhip  to  the 
Enlifh,  (e.  g.  the  Natick  and  Punkapaog  Indians, 
and  the  Mohawks  and  the  Moheags  under  Vncast 
albeit  it  is  too  evident  that  he  was  fecretely  con- 
ipiring  with  Philip  in  his  defigned  Mifchief,  a  little 
before  the  War  brok  forth,  but  God  turned  him 
about,224  and  made  him  a  Friend  to  the  Englim, 
and  an  Enemy  to  Philip}  but  alfo  fome  of  thofe 
that  were  once  in  Hoftility  againft  us,  did  at  laft 
help  to  deftroy  their  own  Nation,  Friends  and 
Kindred,  that  fo  they  might  do  Service  for  us.  So 

323 This    has   been   pretty   fully  wrote    that   "the    Neepmucks  are 

illuftrated    by    Examples     already  "  returned  with  three  Heads  of  the 

given.     About   July    loth,    1637,  "  Wunnafhoatuckoogs,    they    flew 

Roger    Williams   wrote    to    John  "  fix,  wounded  many,  and  brought 

Winthrop — "  The  laft  Weeke  is  a  "  Home  twenty  Captives."     Ibid. 

'  Battell  fought  betweene  the  hither  204.     But   little  is  known  of  the 

'  Neepmucks  [thofe  on  the  Upper  internal  Wars  of  the  Indians. 
'  Thames]    and   the    further,    the 

'  Wunnamowatuckoogs  [Nafliuas?]         ;i24  Before  the  Reader  confents  to 

'  &c.  the  Succefle  is  not  yet  knowne:  accept  Uncas  into  his  Calendar  as  a 

'  it  will  be  of  Confequence,   for  it  Saint,  he  fhould  read  the  Letters  of 

'  faid  they    fortifie,    ioyning   with  Roger  Williams,    and  the  Records 

'  fcattered   Pequts."     Mafs.   Hi/},  of  the  Commiflioners  of  the  United 

Colli  ,  36,  197.     On  the   1 5th  he  Colonies. 


256       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

have  they  that  fought  to  deftroy  us,  gone  into  the 
lower  Parts  of  the  Earth,  they  are  fallen  by  the 
Sword. 

3.  How  often  have  we  prayed  that  the  Lord 
would  take  thofe  his  Enemies  into  his  own  aveng 
ing  Hand,  pleading  that  though  we  know  not  how 
to  come  at  them,  they  had  fuch  Advantages  in  re- 
fpeclis  of  Woods  and  Swamps  and  dark  Corners  of 
the  Earth  to  lurk  in ;  yet  the  Hand  of  God  could 
reach  them,  and  that  therefore  he  [6]  would  fcat- 
ter  them  by  his  Power  and  bring  them  down  and 
let  them  wander  up  and  down  for  Meat,  and  the 
deftroying    Angel    amongft    them.      This    Prayer 
hath  been  heard  ;  For  it  is  known  that  the  Indians 
were  diftreffed  with  Famine,  Multitudes  of  them 
periming  for  Want   of  Bread  ;  and  the  Lord  fent 
Sickneffes  amongft  them,  that  Travellers  have  feen 
many  dead  Indians   up  and  down   in  the  Woods, 
that  were  by  Famine  or  Sicknefs  brought  unto  that 
untimely  End.     Yea  the  Indians  themfelves  have 
teftified,  that   more  amongft  them   have  been  cut 
off  by  the  Sword   of  the   Lord  in   thofe  Reipects, 
then  by  the  Sword  of  the  Englifh. 

4.  How  often  have  we  prayed  that  the  Lord  would 
remember  the  Cruelty ',  Treachery,  and  above  all  the 
Blajphemy  of  thefe  Heathen  ?     This    Prayer   hath 
been  heard  in  Heaven.     As  for  their  Cruelty,  God 
hath  remembered  that,  many  of  them  falling  into 
the  Hands  of  the  Mohawks  or  other  Indians,  who 
fought  in  our  Quarrel  ufed  their  Enemies  after  their 
own  Kind;  and  it  hath  been  obferved,  that  the 
Vengeance  from  the  Lord  did  purfue  them  prefently 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       257 

upon  the  Perpetration  of  ibme  horrid  Afts  of  bar 
barous  Cruelty  towards  fuch  as  fell  into  their  mur- 
drous  Hands'  And  as  for  the  Treachery,  God 
hath  retaliated  that  upon  them  ;  as  for  the  perfidi 
ous  Narraganfets,  Peter  Indian  was  Falfe  and 
Perfidious  to  them,  upon  a  Difguft  received  amongft 
them,  and  directed  our  Army  where  to  find  them.325 
Treacherous  Philip,  one  of  his  own  Men  ran  away 
from  him,  and  told  Capt.  Church  where  that  grand 
Enemy  had  hid  himfelf,  the  Iffue  of  which  was, 
another  Indian  mot  a  Bullet  into  the  treacherous 
Heart  of  that  Covenant-  breaking  Infidel.  Yea 
many  of  thofe  bloudy  and  deceitful  Indians  who 
were  taken  by  Capt.  Church,  would  frequently  de- 
ftroy  and  betray  their  bloudy  and  falfe-hearted 
Comrades.  Matoonas  who  was  the  firft  Indian 
that  treacheroufly  med  inocent  Englifh  blood  in 
Maffachujets  Colony,326  he  fome  Years  before  pre 
tended  to  fomething  of  Religion,  being  a  Profeflbr 
in  general  (though  never  baptized,  nor  of  the  in- 
churched  Indians)  that  fo  he  might  the  more 
covertly  manage  the  hellifh  Defign  of  Revenge 
that  was  harboured  in  his  divelifh  Heart  ;  but  at 
laft  Sagamore  John  with  fome  of  his  Indians  un 
expectedly  furprifed  him,  and  delivered  him  to 
Juftice.  That  abominable  Indian  Peter 


3-"-  See  the  Author's  Brief  Hij-  Language  by  faying  that  the  Calamity 

tory,  new  ed.,  105,249-51.    After  fell  upon  that   Town   becaufe  "we 

the  War  he  went  by  the  Name  of  "  had  not  mended  our  Ways  !"     A 

Peter  Freeman.  wretched  Pun  it  muft  be  confefled. 

32(!  At   Mendon.     In  the  Brief        327  For    a    farther    Account    of 

Hijlorj  the  Author  could   not  for-  "  that  abominable  Indian,"  fee  the 

bear   the    undignified    Torture   of  Book  of  the  Indians,  265-7,  274. 

Hh 


258       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

y;  .betrayed  his  own  Father,  and  other  Indians  of  his 

//.//Tpecial  Acquaintance,  unto  Death.     Many  of  the 

•  / /  Nipmuck  Indians,  who  were  wont  to  lay  Snares  for 

*    *     others,  were  at  laft  themfelves  taken  by  a  Stratagem, 

•       and  brought  to  deferved  Execution. 

[7]  And  as  for  their  Blafphemy,  God  hath  re 
membered  it,  the  moft  notorious  Blafphemers 
amongft  them  have  been  made  Examples  of  divine 
revenging  Juftice,  Quanonchet^  Pomham,  Monaco^ 
all  of  them  curfed  Blafphemers ;  the  Vengeance 
of  Heaven  hath  not  fufFered  them  to  live.  It  is  alfo 
reported  that  an  Englim-man  belonging  to  one  of 
the  weftern  Plantations,  being  mortally  wounded 
by  an  Indian,  the  Indian  upbraided  him  with  his 
Prayers,  faying  to  him,  Tou  were  wont  to  pray  to 
ye/us  Chrtfty  now  pray  to  him,  He  cannot  help  you, 
and  withal  added  a  moft  hideous  Blafphemy  (not 
fit  to  be  named)  againft  our  bleffed  Lord  Jefus 
Chrift,  imediately  upon  which  a  Bullet  took  him 
in  the  Head  and  darned  out  his  Brains,  fending  his 
curfed  Soul  in  a  moment  amongft  the  Devils,  and 
Blafphemers  in  Hell  forever."0 

5.  How  often  have  we  prayed  that  the  Lord  would 
take  away  Spirit  and  Courage  from  thofe  that  have 

328  Ufually    written    Canonchet.  his  Depredations  were  quite  exten- 
A  thrilling  Account  of  his  Capture  five,  leading  the  Nipmucks   at  the 
and  Death  may  be  read  in  Hub-  Deftruftionof  Medfield  andGroton. 
bard's  Narrative.  He  fufFered  on  the  Gallows  "  at  the 

"  Towns  end,"  Bofton,  September 

329  He  was  ufually  known  among     26th,  1676. 
the    Englifh    as     One-eyed   John. 

Confiderable  Space  is  devoted  to  33°  I  have  not  been  able  to  afcer- 
him  in  the  Book  of  the  Indians,  tain  who  the  Parties  were,  nor  any 
He  lived  at  or  near  Lancafter,  and  Tranfadlion  correfponding  with  it. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       259 

been  in  Hoflility  againft  us,  and  caufe  thofe  Haters 
of  the  Lord  to  fubmit  themfehes..  In  this  Thing 
alfo  the  Lord  hath  had  Refpedt  to  our  Requefls. 
For  hundreds  of  Indians  the  laft  Summer  came  and 
furrendered  themfelves  to  the  Englifh,  e.  g.  in  Ply 
mouth  Colony  the  Squaw-  Sac  him  of  Saconet,  wilh 
above  an  hundred  Indians  fubmitted  themfelves  to 
Mercy,331  June  30,  1676.  Not  long  after  that  two 
hundred  Indians  more  furrendered  themfelves.  And 
in  the  eaftern  Parts  of  this  Colony  (July  6.)  there 
were  fix  Sachims  addreffed  themfelves  to  the  Eng 
lifh  in  order  to  the  obtaining  Peace,  bringing  in 
with  them  three  hundred  Men  befides  Women  and 
Children.332  Likewife  in  the  fame  Month  Saga 
more  John  lubmitted  himfelf  with  about  one  hun 
dred  and  eighty  Indians  ;333  and  hundreds  of  them 
came  and  fubmitted  themfelves  to  the  Englifh  in 
Connecticut  Colony.  Thefe  Things  came  not  to 
pafs  without  the  Finger  of  God,  fo  manifeft  as  that 
the  Enemy  himfelf  could  not  but  take  Notice  of  it. 
For  a  flout  Indian  Captain  who  was  afterwards 
executed  at  Bojion,  profefled  to  fome  of  our  Soul- 
diers,  that  they  could  never  have  fubdued  the 
Indians,  But  (faid  he  ftriking  upon  his  Breaft) 
Engli/hmans  God  maketh  us  afraid  here. 

6.  How  often  have  we  prayed  that  God  would  in 
fpecial  look  after  thofe  Places,  which  were  in  moft 

331  Thefe  were  Awafhonks  and     Maj.  Waldron.  See  Hubbard;\  10. 
her  People. 

333  He    "came  in"  to   Bofton 

332  This  doubtlefs  has  Reference     July  zyth,  bringing  Matoonas,  Fa- 
to  thole  Indians  entrapped  at  Dover     ther  and  Son.    See  Brief  Hi/tory, 
by  Capts.  Hathorne,  Sill,  Froft,  and     1 84. 


260       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

eminent  Danger,  as  being  above  others  expofed  to  the 
Fury  of  the  Enemy  ?  And  we  have  had  the  Peti 
tions  we  defired  of  him  in  that  Refped:.  What  a 
black  Appearance  of  Death  and  Ruine  was  before 
the  poor  People  at  Quaboag,334  when  they  were  all 
cooped  up  in  one  unfortified  Houfe,  and  furrounded 
by  a  barbarous  Multitude  of  cruel  Indians,  who 
thirfted  after  their  Blood?  But  [8]  God  by  a 
ftrange  Providence  fent  Major  Willard,  who  with 
a  fmall  Party  of  Souldiers,  came  a  few  Hours  or 
Minutes  before  it  was  too  late,  by  which  Means 
the  remaining  Inhabitants  of  that  Place  had  their 
Lives  given  them  for  a  Prey.  After  that  the  weft- 
ern  Plantations,  North -Hampton,  Hadley,  Hatfield, 
&c.  were  in  the  eminentft  Danger,  by  Reafon  of 
the  Enemy  taking  up  their  Rendezvouze  in  thofe 
Parts ;  but  God  preierved  and  delivered  them,  in 
Anfwer  unto  Prayer.  That  memorable  Provi 
dence  ought  not  to  be  forgotten,  how  that  in  the 
Begining  of  March,  1676.  Our  Army  miffed  their 
Way  (defigning  to  furprize  the  Indians  about  Wa- 
chujet  Hills)  and  were  providentially  led  to  North 
Hampton.  Alfo  Major  Treat  with  Souldiers  under 
his  Command,  did  then  take  up  his  Quarters  in 
that  Town,  coming  thither  a  Day  fooner  than  was 
intended ;  the  next  Day  a  great  Body  of  Indians 
brake  in  upon  the  Town,  and  in  probability  had 
laid  it  Waft,  had  there  not  been  fuch  a  Supply  of 
Souldiers  as  hath  been  mentioned,  which  the  good 
Providence  of  God  brought  thither,  in  Anfwer  to 

334  Brookfield.     See    Brief  Hijtory,  68. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       261 

the  Prayers  of  his  People.  Moreover  the  whole 
Colony  of  Plymouth  was  in  moft  apparent  Danger  of 
being  overrun  and  overwhelmed  with  the  Enemy ; 
efpecially  in  the  Spring  of  the  Year  1676.  when 
(as  we  have  been  informed)  the  Indians  were  de- 
figning,  with  fifteen  hundred  Men  to  fall  upon  all 
the  fcattered  Towns  throughout  that  Jurifdiftion. 
But  God  gave  Men,  yea  a  great  Sac  him,  for  the 
Life  of  his  dear  People  in  that  Colony.  We  have 
heard  that  ^uanonchets  Surprifal  and  Death,  ftruck 
an  Amazement  into  the  Heathen,  and  diverted  their 
purpofed  Mifchief.  May  8.  1676.  when  Bridg- 
water  was  aflaulted,  and  in  Danger  of  being  laid 
Waft,  God  fent  Thunder  and  Rain  from  Heaven, 
which  caufed  the  Indians  to  turn  back.  And  when 
they  attempted  to  make  Taunton  a  Defolation,  July 
1 1.  how  wonderfully  did  the  Lord  fave  that  Town  ? 
So  ordering  by  his  Providence,  as  that  a  Captive 
Negro  efcaping  from  the  Indians,  informed  of  their 
Purpofe  to  fall  upon  that  Place,  whereupon  the 
Inhabitants  flood  upon  their  Guard,  and  Souldiers 
were  timoufly  fent  in  to  them  for  their  Relief  and 
Defence. 

7.  How  often  have  we  prayed  for  our  poor  Cap- 
fives,  that  God  would  preferve  them  and  return  them  ? 
When  fome  of  ours  not  many  Years  lince,  were  in 
Captivity  under  Mahomet,  what  Prayer  was  made 
for  them  continually?  Efpecially  it  was  fo  in  re- 
fpedfc  to  Mr.  Fojier  and  his  Son, 335  the  Church  in 
Charleftown  fetting  a  Day  apart  to  feek  unto  the 

335  What  Fofters  thefe  were  I  am     does  not  feem  to  have  Humbled  on 
unable  to  determine.     Mr.  Savage     them  ;  if  he  has  he  did  not  know  it. 


262       The  Precedency  of  Prayer. 

Lord  by  Fading  and  Prayer,  that  the  Perfons 
mentioned  might  be  fet  at  liberty,  and  although  at 
that  Time  there  was  [9]  no  likelihood  that  ever  it 
mould  be,  the  infidel  King  under  whofe  Power 
they  were,  not  being  willing  to  accept  of  Money 
for  their  Redemption,  yet  God  brought  it  about 
wonderfully,  and  rather  then  his  Peoples  Prayers 
fhould  not  be  anfwered,  that  Tyrant  muft  dy  by  a 
ftrange  and  unexpected  Providence.  But  I  fpeak 
now  concerning  thofe  that  have  been  Captives 
amongft  the  Heathen  in  this  Land.  And  God  hath 
heard  us  for  them.  Whereas  upon  the  9th  of 
May,  1676.  the  Magistrates  and  Minifters  of  this 
Colony,  and  the  Deputyes  of  the  General  Court, 
fought  the  Lord  together  by  Failing  and  Prayer, 
and  did  in  fpecial  Manner  beg  that  Captives  might 
be  returned,  as  a  Token  for  Good,  and  Pledge  of 
further  Anfwers  of  Prayer,  within  a  few  Weeks 
after  this,  neer  upon  twenty  of  our  Captives  were 
fet  at  Liberty.  For  fome,  Prayer  hath  been  more 
abudantly  poured  forth ;  fo  for  Mr.  Rowland/on  his 
Wife  and  two  Children,  and  we  have  (een  the  Lord 
returning  them  all  again.  And  whereas  in  October 
1676.  Amongft  others,  the  Son  of  that  Man  of 
God,  and  Man  of  Prayer,  Reverend  Mr.  Cobbet 
(the  faithful  Paftor  in  Ipfwich)  was  furpriied  in  a 
VefTel  by  the  Northern  Indians,  and  led  away  into 
Captivity  ;  doubtlefs  God  did  it,  that  fo  glory  might 
be  to  his  holy  Name,  and  that  the  World  might 
fee  how  Prayer  can  prevail  with  him.  Mr.  Cobbet 
no  fooner  heard  what  was  befallen  his  Son,  but  he 
called  together  about  thirty  of  his  Chriftian  Neigh- 


Prevalency  of  Prayer.        263 

bors  (that  being  as  many  as  could  on  the  fudden 
convene)  and  they  fet  fome  Time  apart  to  pray  for 
him  that  was  now  a  Captive,  after  this  his  Fathers 
Heart  was  fweetly  quieted,  believing  that  God  had 
heard  them  :  Some  others  alfo  that  attended  that 
Service,  were  as  confidently  perfwaded  that  God 
would  return  (and  that  in  comfortable  Plight)  Mr. 
Gobbets  Son  to  him  again  as  if  he  were  already  come; 
Prayer  alfo  was  made  in  publick  Congregations  in 
particular  for  that  young  Man ;  and  in  December 
following,  thofe  Prayers  were  fully  anfwered,  the 
Lord  bringing  it  about  in  ftrange  Wayes,  the  Par 
ticulars  and  Circumftances  whereof  are  too  large 
here  to  be  infifted  on."6 

Let  me  further  take  Notice  here,  that  whereas 
no  longer  then  three  Weeks  fince,  (viz,  July  25. 
1677.)  the  Church  in  Salem  fet  a  Day  apart  to  feek 
the  Lord  in  fpecial  on  Behalf  of  thofe  belonging  to 
that  Town  lately  fallen  into  the  Hands  of  the  In 
dians  ;  whilft  they  were  praying,  God  brought 
Home  one  of  the  Veflels  that  the  Indians  had  fur- 
prifed,  and  two  Perfons  (who  were  Matters  of 
VefTels)  that  had  been  particularly  prayed  for  in  the 
Morning,  returned  [10]  folemn  Thanks  to  God  in 
the  after  Part  of  the  Day,  in  that  he  had  in  Anfwer 
of  the  Prayers  of  his  People,  brought  them  out  of 
their  CaptivityJ37 

330  The  Rev.  Thomas  Cobbet  of  209-19.     There  is  alfo  an  Account 

Tpfwich  gave  the  Author  an  Account  in  Mr.  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  Pt. 

of  the  Capture  and  Liberation  of  ii,  57-8. 
his  Son,  in  a  Letter  of  great  Length, 

which   is  publifhed    in  the   N.  E.  ™i «  The  Lord   having  allowed 

Hi/i.  and  Gen.  Regifter,  Vol.  vn,  "  the  Indians  to  take  no  lefs  than 


264       tte  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

8.  How  often  have  prayed  that  God  would  cutt  off 
the  Ring-leaders,  and  principal  bloudy  Promoters  of 
the  late  Troubles?  That  the  Lord  would  doe  unto 
them  as  unto  Sifera,  as  to  Jabin  at  the  Brook  of 
Kifon  (which  perifhed  at  Endor,  they  became  as 
Dung  for  the  Earth)  and  make  their  Nobles  like 
Oreb  and  like  Zeeb,  yea  all  their  Princes  like 
Zeba  and  Zalmunna. 

Now  in  thefe  Cryes  to  Heaven  our  God  hath 
heard  us  even  to  Admiration.  Philip  the  grand 
Enemy  and  Beginner  of  the  War,  is  gone  to  his 
own  Place.  It  was  obferved  that  a  little  before  the 
Deftruftion  of  that  bloudy  Foe,  the  Lord  ftirred 
up  the  Hearts  of  fome  of  his  Servants,  to  be  inftant 
in  Prayer  againft  that  Enemy  in  particular,  yea 
and  caufed  them  firmly  to  believe  that  it  mould  be 
fo.  Nor  could  they  ceafe  crying  to  the  Lord 
againft  him,  untill  they  had  prayed  the  Bullet  into 
Philips  Heart.  And  concerning  what  Prayers 
have  been  in  the  Clofets  about  that  Thing,  we 
mall  hear  more  at  the  Day  of  Judgment  when  the 
Lord  Jefus  will  reveal  it  and  reward  it  openly. 
Are  not  all  the  Chieftains  amongft  the  Heathen 
who  have  been  in  Hoftility  againft  us  cut  off  for 
ever  ?  and  their  Memorial  is  periihed  with  them. 

'  thirteen    Ketches  of  Salem   and  "  as  a  Faft."     Salem  Cb.  Records 

'  captivate  the  Men  (though  divers  in   Felt's   Salem,    258.      Nineteen 

'  of  them  cleared  themfelves  and  wounded  Men  had  been  fent  in  a 

*  came  Home)  it  ftruck  great  Con-  little  while  before,  and  fome  of  the 

'  fternation  into  all  People  here,  and  Ketches  arrived  the  fame  day  of  the 

'  it  was  agreed   that  Lefture-day,  Faft.  Hijt.  Salem,  Ibid.  No  Names 

'  July  25th,  1677,  mould  be  kept  are  given. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       265 

O  thou  moft  High,  Thou  baft  rebuked  the  Heathen, 
thou  haft  put  out  their  Name  for  ever  and  ever  ! 

We  have  heard  of  two  and  twenty  Indian  Cap 
tains  flain  all  of  them,  and  brought  down  to  Hell 
in  one  Day,  viz.  Decemb.  19.  i675.338  And  fome 
of  the  Indians  have  confefled  that  at  the  Fall  fight, 
May  i  8.  1676.  "/they  loft  no  lefs  then  three  and 
thirty  of  their  Counfellours,  which  put  them  into 
an  abfolute  Confuiion,  that  they  were  like  Men 
amazed  ever  after. 

Where  are  the  fix  Narraganfet  Sachims,  with 
all  their  Captains  and  Counfellors  ?  Where  are 
the  Nipmuck  Sachims,  with  all  their  Captains  and 
Counfellours  ?  Where  is  Philip  and  Squaw- Sachim 
of  PocaJJet  with  all  their  Captains  and  Counfel 
lours  ?34°  God  doe  fo  to  all  the  implacable  Enemies 
of  Chrift  and  of  his  People  in  New  England! 

2.  If  we  conjider  the  TIME  when  God  hath  ap 
peared  for  us,  it  is  manifeft  that  our  Salvation  is  our 
Anfwer  of  Prayer.  It  was  a  fatal  happy  Blow 

338  The  Author's  Statiftics  of  the  and  there  might   be  feveral  others 
Narraganfet  Swamp  Fight  are  no  named.     A  larger  Number  of  the 
doubt  too  large,   as  they  are  of  the  Nipmucks  might  be  reckoned  up  : 
Deftruftion  at  the  Falls.  There  were  feveral  Johns—  as  John 

Monaco,  Stonewall  John,  Sagamore 

339  The  Fight  at  the  Falls  in  the     John,      Old    Jetbro,     Mautamp, 
Connecticut  River.    See  Brief  Hif-     Sagamore  Sam    (Uflcuttugun),    &c. 
tory,  148.  Then  of  the  Wampanoags,  Philip, 

Annawan,    Sam  Barrow,   Nimrod, 

340Thefe  Queftions  were  eafier  Totofon,  Pebe,  Watufpequin,  Ak- 
afked  than  anfwered  in  the  Author's  kompoin,  Tokamona,  Woofpafuck, 
Time.  The  fix  Narraganfet  Chiefs  &c.,  were  the  moft  prominent; 
or  Sachems  can  be  pretty  eafily  among  thefe  the  Female  Chief  Wee- 
made  out :  Canoncbet,  Potock,  Pum-  tamoo  was  regarded  next  to  Philip 
bam,  Quinnapin,  Quaqualb,  Cbicon,  on  fome  Accounts. 

li 


266       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

which  the  Indians  received  at  the  Fort-fight  in  the 
Narraganfet  Country ;  and  a  little   before  that,  all 
thefe  Churches  [i  i]  were  folemnly  by  Fafting  and 
Prayer  feeking    to   the  Lord,    that   the    Heathen 
might  be  rebuked  at  that  Time.     When  Quanon- 
chet  was  taken   and   {lain  it  was  an  amazing  ftroke 
to  the  Enemy.     And  but  a  few  Dayes  before  that 
many  Churches  in  England  kept  a  Day  of  Failing 
and  Prayer  for   poor   New-England.     In  the  later 
End  of  June.  1676,  (and  ever  after  that)  Succeffes 
againft  the  Enemy  were  wonderfull ;  especially  in 
Plymouth  Colony.     Now  on  the  22.   of  June,  all 
the  Churches  in  that  Colony  fet   apart  a  Day  of 
folemn  Humiliation,  and  renewed  their  Covenant. 
And  on   the    29.   of  that   Month,  was  a  Day  of 
Thankf-giving  throughout  this  Colony,  the  Prayers 
and  Praifes  of  which  Day  were  fignally  owned  by 
the  Lord,  who  did  then  fet  Ambumments  againft 
the  Enemy  and   they  were  fmitten.     Alib  in  this 
very  Moneth,  the  Churches   in    Dublin  in  Ireland 
were  folemnly  feeking  to  the  Lord  on  our  Behalf.341 
Why  mould  not   thefe  Things  be  written  and  re 
corded  for  the  Generation  to  come  ?     Why  mould 
they  not   be  made  known   to  our  Children,   that 
they  might  fet  their  Hope  in  God,   and  not  forget 
the  Works  of  God,  but  keep  his  Commandments. 
Some  one  perhaps  will  fay,  did  not  God  in  the 
Time  of  your  late  War  feem  to  be  angry  with  your 
Prayers?     Had   you   not  the  faddeft  Tidings  on 
your  folemn  Dayes  of  Humiliation  ? 

341  Nathaniel  Mather,  the  Author's    Brother,  was  then  Minifter  in  Dublin . 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       267 

Aifw.  This  is  true,  and  the  Thoughts  of  it  fhould\ 
forever  humble  us ;  yet  we  know,  fometimes  the  I 
Lord  feems  to  be  difpleafed  with  the  Prayers  of/ 
his  People  only  to  try  their  Faith  (as  with  the 
Woman  of  Canaan)  when  as  indeed  they  are  his 
delight.  Moreover  (alas  !)  it  cannot  be  denied  or 
doubted  of,  but  that  the  Lord  faw  Formality  and 
Hypocrify  in  the  Prayers  of  many  amongft  us, 
which  he  was  offended  at,  howbeit  there  are  fome 
living  Chriftians,  that  walk  clofely  with  God  ;  a 
few  Names  that  have  not  defiled  their  Garments 
with  the  Sins,  and  generally  prevailing  Temtations 
of  thefe  Times ;  unto  them  and  to  their  Prayers  hath 
the  Lord  had  Refpedt.  It  muft  alfo  be  confefled, 
that  the  Prayers  of  the  Churches  in  Europe  have 
had  no  fmall  Influence  into  our  Mercyes.  I  can 
affure  the  Reader,  that  the  Churches  in  London,  in 
Suffolk,  in  Dorfef,  in  Devon,  in  Somerfet,  in  Lanca- 
Jhire,  have  by  Failing  and  Prayer,  fought  the  Lord 
for  New-England,  in  the  Time  of  our  late  Troubles. 
And  I  doubt  not  but  that  the  Lords  praying  People 
in  other  Countryes,  where  I  have  no  Acquaintance 
or  Correfpondence,  have  done  the  like.  We  are 
infinitely  indebted  to  that  God,  who  having  a  Pur- 
pofe  to  glorify  himfelf  by  hearing  Prayers,  put  into 
their  Hearts  to  be  earneft  in  our  Behalf. 

[12]  Who  knoweth  but  that  we  may  be  again 
involved  in  Trouble  by  the  Remainder  of  the 
Heathen,  or  otherwife.  Let  us  then  be  encour 
aged  to  take  in  Hand  our  old  tried  Weapons,  even 
preces  et  lacryme  the  Auntient  Armes  of  the  Church. 
If  Enemy es  arife,  let  us  pray  them  down  again. 


268       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

And  that  is  the  fpecial  Improvement  which  mould 
be  made  of  what  hath  been  difcourfed ;  fince  we 
have  feen  what  Prayer  can  do.  The  Confederation 
of  thefe  Things  Jhould  jiir  up  an  holy  Resolution  in 
every  one,  to  be  ftncere,  frequent,  and  conjiant  in  this 
fo  great  and  powerful  a  Duty.  It  is  reported  of 
-  Joachim  (the  Father  of  the  Virgin  Mary)  that 
Prayer  was  his  Meat  and  Drink.  And  we  know 
what  was  David's  Profeflion,  Pfal.  116.  i.  2.  / 
love  the  Lord,  becaufe  he  hath  heard  my  Voice,  and 
my  Supplication,  becaufe  he  hath  enclined  his  ear  to 
me,  therefore  I  will  call  upon  him  as  long  as  I  Jhall 
live. 

Wherefore  to  the  Particulars  already  mentioned, 
I  mail  (for  how  mould  a  man  when  writing  upon 
tuch  a  Subject,  eafily  break  off)  add  a  few  more. 
It  would  indeed  fill  a  Volume,  mould  all  the  In- 
ftances  this  Way  be  produced,  which  ftand  upon 
record  in  approved  Authors ;  nor  have  I  prefent 
leifure  to  revolve  many  books  that  treat  upon  this 
Subjed: ;  only  fuch  Particulars  as  do  prefently  occur 
to  Mind  I  mall  relate,  hoping  it  will  not  be  un 
profitable  to  the  Reader,  who  poflibly  hath  not 
had  the  knowledge  of  them.  To  proceed  then, 

There  have  been,  whom  Prayer  hath  brought 
back  from  the  Gates  of  the  Grave,  whenas  to  all 
outward  Appearance  they  have  been  otherwife  paft 
Recovery ;  not  to  infift  upon  Scriptural  Examples 
here  neither;  It  is  a  memorable  PafTage  which 
a  great  Hiftorian  hath  noted  concerning  that 
learned  and  religious,  Sir  John  Cheek,  who  was 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       269 

Tutor    to    our    Englim    Joliah,    King    Edward 
.3*2 

Sir  John  being  fick  nigh  unto  Death,  the  King 
Hif      ^^  carefully  enquire  after  his  welfare  every 


of  the  Day  ;  at  laft  the  Phyfitians  told  him  that 
'4'  there  was  no  Hopes  of  Life;  Nay  (faid 
the  King)  he  will  not  dye  at  this  Time,  for  I  have 
this  Morning  begged  his  Life  of  God  in  my  Prayers, 
and  obtained  it  ;  which  accordingly  came  to  paffe  ; 
and  foon  after  Sir  John  wonderfully  recovered  be 
yond  all  Expectation. 

Melancthon  was  taken  defperately  fick  at  Vinaria, 
Mekhior  as  he  was  in  a  journey  towards  Hagenaw,  in 
^Iy"/.  order  to  a  Conference  with  fome  of  the  re- 
anctkonis.  formed  Divines  in  Germany  about  Matters 
of  Religion,  Luther  hearing  of  it,  haftned  to  vifit 
him,  and  with  Tears  faying  Alas!  how  [13]  pre 
cious  and  profitable  an  Inftrument  of  the  Church, 
is  miferably  weakned,  and  ready  to  perim  !  and 
falling  upon  his  knees,  he  did  moft  earneftly  wreftle 
with  the  Lord  for  his  Recovery,  and  prevailed,  fo 
as  that  Melancthon  would  afterwards  confefs,  that 
idem  in  <vt-  if  it  had  not  been  for  Luther  's  Prayers,  he 
«MyconH.  had  died  by  that  Sicknefs. 

At  another  Time,  Myconius  being  fallen  into  a 
deep  Confumption,  Luther  was  earneft  in  Prayer 
to  God  for  his  Recovery  ;  and  he  wrote  a  Letter 

312  Whofe  Reign  was  from  1  547  tions  fet  down  Kings  as  a  fort  of 

to  1553.     How  much  of  a  Jofiah  Divinities.     Edward  was  only  fifteen 

that   puny  Boy   at   nine  Years  of  Years   old   when    he   died.      Old 

Age  could  have  been  is  left  for  the  Fuller  was  a  blind  Believer  in  the 

judgment  of  thofe  whofe  Imagina-  Saintihip  of  Kings. 


270       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

to  him,  wherein  he  thus  exprefleth  himfelf,  '  I 
pray  Chrift  our  Lord,  our  Salvation,  our  Health, 
'  that  I  may  not  live  to  fee  thee,  and  fome  others 
'  of  our  Colleagues  to  dye,  and  go  to  Heaven,  and 
'  to  leave  me  here  amongft  the  Divels  alone.  Fare- 
'  well  and  God  forbid  that  I  mould  hear  of  thy 
'  Death  whilft  I  live,  fed  te  fuperftitem  faciat  mihi 
'  Deus,  hoc  peto  et  vo/o,  et  fiat  vo/unfas  me  a,  Amen  ! 
'  quia  bcec  voluntas  gloriam  mominis  Dei,  certe  non 
'  meam  voluptatem,  nee  copiam  qucerit?  A  while 
after  Myconius  recovered,  and  outlived  Luther,  ever 
acknowledging  that  he  was  beholding  to  God  for 
putting  it  into  the  Heart  of  Luther ;  fo  to  pray  for 
him,  and  inftrumentally  to  lengthen  out  his  Life 
feven  Years  beyond  his  own,  and  Friends  expecta 
tion. 

Yea  more,  Divels  and  Powers  of  Darknefs  had 
id**  in  -vita  fallen  before  the  Power  of  Prayer.  A  def- 
Luthcn.  perate  young  Man  in  Germany,  who  in  a 
hellim  Pang  of  Temptation  had  fold  himfelf  to, 
and  made  an  explicite  Covenant  with  the  Divil ; 
having  revealed  his  miferable  Condition  to  Luther, 
he  called  the  Church  together,  they  fafted  and 
prayed,  fo  that  the  Divil  threw  the  Writing,  which 
he  had  received  of  the  young  Man  in  at  the 
Window,  and  a  forlorn  Soal  was  refcued  out  of  the 
Hands  of  that  devouring  Lion.3«  How  often  have 

343  This  was  quite  up  to  the  Spirit-  Doubtlefs  Mediums  were  common 

writings  of  the  prefent  Day.     An  in  thofe  Days  as  well  as  at  the  pre- 

Acquaintance  of  ours  fome  few  Years  fent  Time,  but  it  may  be  queftioned 

ago    went   about    exhibiting   what  whether   thofe    of  that  Day  were 

many   believed    to    be    the  Devil's  more   under  his   Satanic  Majefty's 

Autograph,  obtained  by  a  Medium.  Government  than  thofe  of  this  Age. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.        271 

poore  Creatures  under  bodily  PofTeffions  been  de- 
Reftrtur  in  Kvered  from  that  thraldom  by  earneft  Prayer? 
vitaAu-  Aujlin  by  his  Prayers  caft  out  Divils.  The 
Hiftory  of  thofe  feven  poflefled  in  Lanca- 
Jhire,  in  whofe  DifpofTeflion  Mr.  Darrel  and  others 
were  by  Parting  and  Prayer  inftrumental,  is  well 
known. 344 

There  was  a  Man  that  lived  not  far  from  Not- 
Read  Mr  tingham,  whofe  Name  was  John  Fox.  This 
Roth-weiis  Man  was  pofTeffed  by  the  Divel,  who  would 

life  -writ-  -tii  1-1  11 

ten  by  Mr.  violently  throw  him  down,  and  take  away 
the  Ufe  of  every  Member  of  his  Body,  and 
was  fometimes  heard  fpeaking  when  his  Lips  moved 
not  at  all ;  yea  (albeit  the  Man  could  fpeak  no 
other  Language  befides  his  Mother  Tongue)  the 
evil  Spirit  in  him  would  frequently  quote  Script 
ures  out  of  the  Originals,  Hebrew  and  Greek,  and 
play  the  Critick,  and  back  his  Allegations  with 
Sayings  out  of  the  Fathers  and  [  1 4]  Poets.  Among 
others  that  came  to  pray  with  this  poor  miferable 
Man,  Mr.  Rotbivel  (a  Minfter  that  was  famous  in 
thofe  Parts  in  thofe  Days)  was  one.  As  he  was 
coming,  the  Divel  told  them  in  the  Houfe  with 
the  poffeffed  Man,  yonder  is  Rothivel  a  coming ; 
and  upon  his  entering  into  the  Houfe,  raged  and 
blafphemed,  faying  alio  wilt  thou  go  to  Prayer,  I'le 
make  fuch  a  Noife  as  mall  diftract  thee,  and  doft 
thou  think  that  God  will  hear  diftracl:ed  Prayers  ? 
Mr.  Rotbwel  replied,  God  heareth  the  Prayers  of 

344  If  the  Reader  is  inclined  to  fon's  Hiftorical  EJfay  concerning 
learn  fomething  more  of  Mr.  John  Witchcraft,  Ed.  London:  1720, 
Darrel  he  may  find  it  in  Hutchin-  242,  262. 


272       'The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

the  Upright,  and  hath  promifed  to  give  his  Spirit 
to  help  Infirmityes  in  Prayer,  therefore  in  Confi 
dence  of  his  Promife,  &  powerfull  Affiftance  of  his 
Spirit,  and  in  the  Name  of  his  Son  Jefus  Chrift, 
we  will  go  to  Prayer.  So  he  did.  The  Divel  for 
above  a  Quarter  of  an  Hour  made  an  horid  Noife, 
and  roared  at  Mr.  Rothwells  Face,  but  at  laft  was 
forced  to  be  filent,  and  departed  out  of  the  Man, 
who  before  the  Prayer  was  ended,  did  to  the 
Amazement  and  Joy  of  all  the  Auditors  prefent  fay 
Amen  to  the  Petitions  that  were  prefented  before 
the  Lord  on  his  Behalf.  After  Mr.  Rothwel  left 
him,  he  was  ftricken  dumb  for  three  Years  together ; 
at  length  by  Prayer  alfo,  God  opened  his  Mouth, 
and  reftored  his  Speech  to  him  ;  One  ufing  this 
Petition,  Lord  open  his  Mouth,  and  his  Lips  mall 
fhew  forth  thy  Praife ;  he  anfwered  in  the  Congre 
gation,  Amen,  and  fo  continued  to  fpeak  and  fpake 
gracioufly  to  his  dying  Day.345 

I  remember  I  have  met  with  another  Example 
not  unlike  unto  this  but  now  mentioned.  In  the 
Town  of  Barwick  upon  Tweed,  there  was  a  Man 
(Steward  to  the  Lord  of  Granfori)  reputed  Godly, 
who  was  very  much  afflicted  in  his  Mind.  Mr. 

345  The  Author  may  not  inten-  "  Gower  of  Dorchefter."     But  in 

tionally  intended    to    have   evaded  his    Looking-Glafs  for   Saints   and 

Purfuit  by  referring  to  a  Work  not  Sinners,  ii,  166,  the  ridiculous  Devil 

publifhed    except    in    Mr.  Clarke's  Story  is  told  alfo,  a  brief  AbftracT: 

Martyrology.  The  Reader  will  there  of  which  is  in  the  Text.     Brook, 

find    "  Mafter  Richard  Rothwell  "  in  his  Lives  of  the  Puritans,  gives 

among  the   "  Army  of  Martyrs,"  that  of  Rothwell,    but   avoids  the 

And  at  the  End  Mr.  Clarke  tells  us  Devil  Story,  though  he  copies  from 

"  This  Life  was  drawn  up  by  my  the  Martyrology.     Clarke's  Works 

"  reverend  Friend    Mafter    Stanly  are  but  little  known  at  this  Day. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.        273 

Balfom  (an  eminent  Preacher  by  whofe  Miniftry 
see  Mr.  Bai-  in  that  one  Town,  fixty  Perfons  were  (as 
"/(!?£"        was  judged)  favingly  wrought  upon,  did 
ciark.          feveral  Times  vifit  him,  and  fought  to  ap 
ply  Words  of  Comfort  to  him,  but  nothing  of  that 
Nature  taking  place,  he  whifpered  the  Steward  in 
the  Ear  to  this  Purpofe,   /  doubt  there  is  fomething 
within  which  you  would  do  well  to  difcover  ;  where 
upon  immediately  the  mans  Tongue  fwelled  out  of 
his  Mouth  that  he  was  not  able  to  fpeak,  and  to  the 
Aftonimment  of  thofe  in  the  Room,  a  mrill  Voice 
was  heard,  as  it  were  fpeaking  out  of  his  Throat,  fay 
ing,  what  doft  thou  talking  to  him  of  free  Grace  and 
Promifes?  he  is  mine.  Mr.  Balfom  perceiving  that  it 
was  the  Devil  that  fpoke,  told  him,  he  did  not  know 
that  Men  were  his  as  long  as  they  were  alive  in  this 
World.   To  whom  the  Devil  replyed,  If  God  would 
let  me  loofe,  I  would  find  enough  in  the  beft  of  you 
all  to  make  you  mine,  and  as  for  this  Man  he  hath 
given  himfelf  [  1 5]  to  me.  I  will  not  (faid  Mr.  Balfom) 
believe  the  Father  of  Lyes,  but  I  will  goe  home  and 
pray  for  this  poor  Man,  and   get  all  the  Force  in 
the  Town  I  can  to  join  with  me,  and  I  do  believe 
that  thou  Satan  malt  loofe  thy  hold  before  tomorrow 
Morning.     Mr.  Balfom  upon  his  return  Home  that 
Night,  found  divers  Chriftians  in   his  Houfe,  who 
waited  to  fpeak  with  him,  unto  whom  he  declared 
that  he  could  not  but  admiringly  take  Notice  of 
the  Providence  of  God  in  bringing  them  to  his 
Houfe,  whom  otherwife  he  had  purpofed  to  fend 
for ;  and  defired  them  to  fpend  Part  of  the  Night 

Kk 


274       Tht  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

with  him,  in  feeking  to  the  Lord  in  the  Behalf  of 

fuch  a  diftrefled  poffeffed  Man  :   which  they  did, 

and  the  next  Morning  Satan  had  loft  his  PofTeffion : 

and  when  Mr.  Balfom  enquired  of  the  poor  Man 

how  it  was  with  him,    He  anfwered ;  through  the 

goodnefs  of  God,  I  have  overcome,  and  am  now  as 

full  of  Comfort,  as  before  I  was  full  of  Trouble.346 

I  have  alfo  heard  a  worthy  Divine  in   Dublin, 

fpeak  of  a  Man,  that  being  under  bodily 

Dr.  Winter.     ^  .    .     O  / 

Poliemon  by  an  evil  Spirit,  a  Company  of 
praying  Chriftians  met  together,  to  feek  the  Lord 
in  his  Behalf;  amongft  them  there  was  a  precious 
holy  Woman,  who  kneeled  behind  the  Door  in 
the  Room  where  they  were  praying  together,  and 
there  were  ftrong  Actings  of  Faith  in  her  Soul ;  at 
laft  the  Devil  was  forced  to  depart :  only  as  he  was 
going  out  of  the  poffeffed  Party,  he  cryed  out.  O 
the  Woman,  the  Woman  behind  the  Door  /347 

Some  very  learned  and  judicious  Writers  con- 
Mr.  Mode's  clGVe>  tnat  Epi'/epttck  and  Lunatick  Perfons 
wrhin  are  thofe  Domoniacks  whom  we  read  fo 
i.  Difeour.  much  of  in  the  New  Teftament.  There  is  a 
6f  Deliratton  that  proceeds  ex  vi  morbi,  being 

from  or  with  a  Fever,  and  another  Kind  of  Delira- 

346  This  Story  of  "Matter  Robert  "mine."     This  certainly  is  pretty 

"  Balfom  "  is  alfo  told  in  the  Mar-  well  for  the  old  "  Father  of  Lies," 

tyrology  of  Mr.  Clarke,  ii,  1 79,  &c.  and  mows  that  he  could  fometimes 

His  Converfation  with  the  Devil  in  tell  the  Truth, 
the  poflefled    Man   is   exceedingly 

amufing.      In    the    Courfe   of  the         347  Here  we  lofe  much  intended 

Debate  the  Devil  faid  to  Mr.  Bal-  for  us  by  not  being  informed  of  the 

fom  :  "  If  God  would  let  me  loofe  Names  of  the  Parties.     The  Name 

"  upon  you,  I  mould  find  enough  of  "  the  Woman  behind  the  Door," 

"  in  the  belt  of  you  to  make  you  all  capable  of  doing  what  many  thou- 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       275 

tion  which  isjine  Febre,  when  a  Man  having  no  other 
Beza  in  Difeafe  is  crazed  or  diftraclied.  Not  they 
Mat.  8.  16.  that  are  fubjected  to  the  former,  but  to  this 
latter  have  been  accounted  Evspyovfievot 
poflefled  Perfons.  The  Jews  of  old  had  fuch  an 
Opinion  concerning  mad  Men.  Joh.  10,  20.  Con- 
fider  alfo  Math.  17.  14,  15, — 18.  with  Luk.  9.  39. 
Whatever  of  Solidity  may  be  in  that  Notion,  is  not 
a  Place  here  to  difpute ;  but  this  is  certain,  that  dif- 
tracted  Perfons  have  been  reftored  to  the  ufe  of  their 
underftanding  again  by  Failing  and  Prayer.  That 
Mofes  of  his  Time,  Mr.  Dod^*  (concerning  whom 
Mr.  Burroughs^  giveth  this  Teftimony,  that  he 
Mr  Bur-  was  ^6  meekeft  Man  upon  the  Face  of  the 
roughs  0»  Earth)  had  a  godly  Son,  whom  it  pleafed 

Math.  ii.       .  '    n    TT.     .0          J.  r  -r^     n 

28.  idpt.  the  Molt  High  to  leave  unto  iore  Deltrac- 
*' 3s8'  tion  in  his  Mind,  whereupon  Mr.  Dod 
called  fome  of  his  godly  praying  Friends  together, 
who  fet  a  Day  apart  folemnly  to  feek  [16]  the 
Lord  about  that  Matter,  and  whilft  they  were  yet 
fpeaking  in  Prayer,  God  heard  them,  fo  as  that  the 
diftracted  Perfon  was  not  only  reftored  to  his  right 

fands  of  Men  have   failed   to  do,  the  youngeft  of  feventeen  Children, 

fhould  be  handed  down  to  Pofterity.  He  lived   to  the  great  Age  of  96, 

An   Author  guilty  of  withholding  dying  in  1645,  according  to  Clarke's 

the  Name  of  fuch  a  Perfon  deferves  Martyrology,  ii,  168,  &c. 
the  hearty  Reprehenfion  of  all  his 

Readers.  249  Jeremiah  Burroughs,  another 

noted  Divine,  who  will   be  found 

348  «  Mafter  John  Dod  "  is  pro-  duly  noticed  in  Brook's  Lives,  iii, 
bably  referred  to.     He  was  a  famous  1-6.     He  was  at  one  Time  Col- 
Puritan,  and  the  Author  of  feveral  league  with  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edmund 
Works  in  much  Repute  formerly.  Calamy  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds. 
He  was  of  a   Chcfter  Family  and 


276       'The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

Mind  again,  but  did  himfelf  conclude  that  Day  of 
Prayer  with  folemn  Thankfgiving  unto  God.  This 
Information  I  received  from  a  Reverend  Minifter, 
who  was  preferit  in  Mr.  Dods  Houfe,  when  that 
Day  of  Fading  and  Prayer  was  there  obferved, 
upon  the  Occafion  mentioned. 

It  is  reported  concerning  that  excelent  Man  and 
seeMr.  Lwif-  famous  Minifter  in  Edinborough,  Mr. 
"lgft£'s!rip-  Bruce^0  (concerning  whom  the  Learned 
turn.  p.  431.  Didoclavius  hath  given  a  moft  honora 
ble  Teftimony)  that  divers  Perfons  that  were  dif- 
tracted,  and  fome  who  were  Epileptick,  paft  Hopes 
of  Recovery,  were  neverthelefs  reftored  to  perfect 
Health  in  Anfwer  to  Mr.  Bruces  Prayers. 

But  I  have  not  met  with  any  Inftance  to 

Fulfilling  of  J 

the  Script-  this  Purpofe  more  affecting  than  that  which 
;7'is  (by  an  Author  worthy  of  Credit)  pub- 
limed  concerning  Mr.  Patrick  Simpfon  a  learned  and 
very  holy  Minifter,  fometimes  of  Sterling  in  Scot 
land.  The  Story  in  brief  is  this. 

Mr.  Simpfons  Wife  (a  gracious  Woman)  falling 
fick,  was  forely  affaulted  by  Satan,  who  told  her 
that  (he  mould  be  given  over  into  his  Hand.  The 
Temptation  and  AfFrightment  prevailed  fo  far  as  to 
refolve  in  a  vifible  Diftraction,  that  the  good 
Woman,  moft  unlike  her  former  Way  whilft  me 
was  herfelf,  would  break  forth  fometimes  with 
dreadfull  and  horrid  Expreffions ;  This  was  (and 
could  not  be  otherwife)  a  moft  bitter  Affliction  to 

350 1  do  not  find  the  Chriftian  tions  a  "  Mr.  Bruce "  among  the 
Name  of  this  Divine  among  the  Eje&ed.  The  fame  probably  men- 
Puritan  Biographers.  Cakmy  men-  tioned  by  Wilfon,  iv,  62. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       277 

her  precious  hufband,  who  told  thofe  about  her  that 
he  was  affured  that  Satans  Malice  fhould  at  laft  re 
ceive  a  mameful  Foyle  ;  wherefore  he  retired  him- 
felf  into  his  Garden,  and  fhutting  the  Door,  betook 
himfelf  to  Parting  and  Prayer.  One  Helen  Garner 
(a  godly  Woman)  being  follicitous  for  Mr.  Simpfon, 
as  fearing  that  his  Labours,  Grief,  Fafting  might 
be  too  hard  for  him,  ufed  fome  Means  to  get  over 
into  the  Garden,  where  Mr.  Simpfon  was  alone 
wreftling  with  God ;  being  come  near  the  Place 
where  he  was,  me  was  terrified  with  an  extraor 
dinary  Noife  which  caufed  her  to  fall  upon  the 
Ground ;  It  was  like  the  Noife  of  a  great  rufh- 
ing  of  Multitudes  together,  and  therwithal  fuch  a 
melodious  Sound  as  did  make  her  know  it  was 
fomething  more  than  humane;  fo  that  me  fel  to 
Prayer,  entreating  the  Lord  to  pardon  her  Rafhnefs 
in  fo  coming  thither,  confidering  it  was  Refpedt  to 
his  Servant,  who  had  been  an  Inftrument  of  Good 
to  her  Soul,  that  did  induce  her.  After  going  for 
ward,  (he  found  Mr.  Simpfon  lying  upon  the 
ground;  nor  would  he  reveal  what  he  had  met 
with,  until  [17]  Promife  was  made  not  to  fpeak  of 
it  whilfl  he  was  alive  in  this  World.  Upon  this 
he  faid,  O  what  am  I  being  Duji  and  Afhes,  that 
the  holy  mintftring  Spirits  Jhould  be  fent  by  the  Lord  to 
deliver  a  MeJ/age  to  me,  and  {hewed  that  Angels 
from  Heaven  had  by  an  audible  Voice  given  him 
Anfwer  concerning  that  which  he  had  been  pray 
ing  about.  [This  was  a  Thing  extraordinary,  and 
in  no  wife  to  be  expected  by  Chriftians  ordina- 


278        The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

rily]351  and  returning  into  his  Houfe,  he  bid  thofe 
that  were  in  the  Room  with  his  Wife,  be  of  good 
Comfort ;  for  he  was  afTured  that  within  ten  Hours 
{he  mould  be  delivered  from  that  Diftraclion. 
After  this  he  went  to  Prayer  by  the  Bedlide,  and 
as  he  was  in  Prayer,  mentioning  Jacobs  wreftling 
with  God,  his  Wife  fate  up  in  the  Bed,  and  cafting 
afide  the  Curtain  faid,  Thou  art  this  Day  Jacob, 
thou  haft  wreftled,  and  haft  prevailed,  and  now  God 
hath  made  good  his  Word  which  he  fpake  to  you  this 
Morning,  for  lam  plucked  out  of  the  Hands  of  Satan, 
and  he  jhall  no  more  have  Power  over  me.  This 
Interruption  made  him  filent  for  a  while,  but  after 
in  great  Meltings  of  Heart  he  proceeded  in  Prayer, 
magnifying  the  Riches  of  divine  Grace  and  Love, 
and  from  that  Hour  his  Wife  continued  to  dif- 
courfe  Chriftianly  and  comfortably  even  to  her 
dying  Hour. 

As  for  thofe  fpiritual  (which  are  worfe  then 
bodily  Pofleffions)  that  Satan  holds  in  the  Souls  of 
ciark,  uti  Men,  how  often  hath  Prayer  been  a  Means 
Supra.  to  out  him,  ancj  caufe  him  (full  fore  againft 

his  will)  to  quit  his  ftrong  Hold  for  ever.  Prayer 
hath  (i.  e.  inftrumentally)  converted  many  a  Soul. 
Peter  Martyr  was  wont  to  pray  much  for  the 
Converiion352  of  Bernard  Gilpin,  and  the  Lord  an- 

351  The  Author  can  hardly  be  fimilar  Delufions,  yet  with  no  more 

laid  to  have  improved  his  Account  Light  on  his  Mind,  apparently, 
by  throwing  in  this  bracketed  Caveat. 

He  probably  had  not  had  Experi-  352  Peter  Martyr  was  a  Florentine, 

ence  with    difordered    or   difeafed  born  at  the  City  of  Florence  in  1500. 

Imaginations  in    1677,  but  lixteen  Clarke  has  given  his  Life  and  Por- 

Years    later   in   Life  he   witnefled  trait  in  his  Marrow  of  Eccl.  Htft,t 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       279 

fwered  his  Prayers,  and  that  Gilpin  proved  an  emi 
nent  Inftrument  of  Gods  Glory  and  of  Good  unto 
his  Church. 

I  have  read  of  one  who  having  a  Brother  that 
fpent  his  Time  in  Hawking,  Drinking  and  other 
profane  Vanityes,  upon  a  Saturday,  when  his  un- 
Mr.  white,  godly  Brother  was  gone  upon  an  hawking 
u,  £**..  Match,  he  fet  that  very  Day  apart  by  Faft- 
ing  and  Prayer  to  beg  of  God  that  his  Brother 
might  be  converted.  And  the  Lord  anfwered  his 
Prayers  wonderfully ;  For  within  a  Week  after  his 
Brother  was  ftrangely  changed,  and  did  himlelf 
(inftead  of  fpending  his  Time  in  Hawking  and 
Drinking)  obferve  many  Days  of  iecret  Humilia 
tion  between  the  Lord  and  his  own  Soul,  on  the 
Account  of  the  Sins  he  had  been  guilty  of,  in  the 
Days  of  Vanity,  and  made  a  very  godly  End  at 
laft. 

That  precious  and  famous  Minifter  of  Chrift, 
Mr.  Welch^  being  in  a  Journey,  his  Entertain 
ment  came  to  more  than  he  expected,  fo  that  the 
next  Morning  he  had  not  wherewith  to  pay  for  his 
Horfe  meat :  the  Hoftler  fware  and  railed  exceed 
ingly  for  his  Money:  Mr.  Welch  [18]  (hut  his 
chamber  Door  and  went  to  Prayer  and  the  Hoftler 

201-13.     He   was   obliged    to  fly  the  New  World,  published  by  Ri- 

from  his   own   Country   to    avoid  chard  Hakluyt.     He  was  celebrated 

Perfecution,  and  refided  for  a  Period  for  his  varied  Learning, 
in  Devonfhire,  England.     The  Bio 
graphical    Dictionaries    are    ample          353  Perhaps   Mr.  Henry  Welfti, 

upon  him.     He  has  fometimes  been  of  whom  Dr.  Calamy  gives   fome 

confounded    with     another    Peter  Account.     See  Nonconformifti  Me- 

Martyr,  who  wrote  the  Decades  of  morial,  ii,  88. 


280       The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

ftanding  at  the  Door  overheard  him,  and  was  con 
verted  by  that  Prayer ;  ever  after  that  Time  highly 
refpedting  Mr.  Welch,  and  refuting  to  accept  of 
anything  for  his  Entertainment,  either  then  or  at 
any  other  Times  afterwards,  when  Occafion  was 
offered. 

I  knew  one,  the  Son  of  an  holy  and  eminently 
faithful  Minifter,  who  in  fome  of  the  Dayes  of  his 
Youth  had  been  wild  and  vain,  but  was  (through 
the  Grace  of  Chrift)  converted  in  his  young  Years, 
and  after  his  Fathers  death,  perufing  his  private 
Papers,  he  perceived,  that  not  many  Days  before 
he  was  in  the  Pangs  of  the  new  Birth,  his  Father 
had  been  by  fecret  Fafting  and  Prayer  feeking  unto 
the  Lord  that  converting  fanctifying  Grace  might 
be  beftowed  upon  that  Son  of  his. 

That  notable  Ifraelite,  Mr.  Hugh  Kennedy,  Pro- 
MR.LIVISTON  vofl  of  Air  in  Scotland,  one  Day  being 
'dtafpfw".  l°ng  alone  in  Prayer,  while  fome  of  his 
*4a-  intimate  Friends  ftayed  a  great  while  to 

fpeak  with  him,  upon  their  enquiry  into  the  Reafon 
why  he  made  them  wait  fo  long ;  he  told  them  it 
was  no  wonder,  for  (faid  he)  /  have  this  Day  ob 
tained  Mercy  for  me  and  all  mine.  And  fo  indeed 
it  came  to  pafs ;  for  not  fo  much  as  one  of  his 
Children,  but  evident  Signs  of  Converlion  and  true 
Godlinefs  were  obferved  in  them.  This  was  that 
Kennedy,  who  when  he  was  dying  could  fay,  If  the 
Wals  of  this  Houfe  could  fpeak,  they  could  tell  how 
many  fweet  Dayes  I  have  had  in  fecret  Fellowjhip 
•with  God,  and  how  familiar  he  hath  been  with  my 
Soul.  This  is  he  concerning  whom  Mr.  Welch 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.       281 

once  faid,  '  Happy  is  that  City,  yea,  happy  is  that 
'  Nation  that  hath  an  Hugh  Kennedy  in  it.  I 
*  myfelf  have  certainly  found  the  Anfwers,  of  his 
'  Prayers  to  the  Lord  on  my  behalf.'  There  is 
one  Paflage  recorded  concerning  him  which  is 
exceeding  ftrange.  It  is  this. 

One  of  his  Sons  being  abfent  at  Sea,  on  a  certain 
Night  he  rofe  early,  before  break  of  Day,  and  came 
to  his  familiar  Friend  John  Steward^  and  defired 
him  to  rife,  and  go  with  him  into  a  room  to 
pray,  for  (laid  he)  my  Son  with  the  reft  of  our 
Chriftian  Friends  now  at  Sea,  are  at  the  very  nick 
of  periming.  After  he  had  fpent  fome  Time  in 
pouring  out  his  Soul  before  the  Lord,  he  rofe  up 
cheerfully,  faying,  now  are  they  fafe,  John  Steward 
being  amazed  thereat,  writ  this  down,  with  the 
Day  and  Hour,  and  at  the  Return  of  the  Ship 
made  Enquiry,  and  found  that  in  that  very  Hour 
of  that  Night,  they  then  were  in  a  moft  Danger 
ous  Place,  fo  that  all  Hope,  that  they  mould  be 
faved  was  taken  away,  only  they  were  by  an  extra 
ordinary  unexpected  Providence  then  delivered. 

[19]  To  draw  to  a  Conclufion,  let  the  World 
beware,  of  doing  any  Wrong  to  a  praying  People. 
Such  blafting  Strokes  from  God  were  upon  thofe 
that  fet  themfelves  againft  the  reformed  Churches 
and  Profeffors  (who  were  called  Piccardines]  in 
Bohemia  of  old  that  it  became  a  proverbial  Speech, 
If  any  Man  be  weary  of  his  Life,  let  him  become 
an  Enemy  to  the  Piccar dines.  So  I  fay,  If  any 
Man  be  weary  of  his  Life,  let  him  become  an  Enemy 

LI 


282        The  Prevalency  of  Prayer. 

to  a  praying  People^  fuch  as  (through  Grace)  many 
in  New  England  have  been,  and  are  to  this  Day. 
And  wo  to  that  Man,  whoever  he  be,  upon  whom 
the  Prayers  of  New  England  fhall  fall.  It  were 
better  for  that  Man  that  a  Mill-ftone  were  hanged 
about  his  Neck,  and  he  thrown  therewith  into  the 
midft  of  the  Sea.  It  is  faid  concerning  the  Wit- 
nefTes,  Rev.  11.5.  ft  if  any  Man  hurt  them,  fire  pro- 
"  ceedeth  out  of  their  Mouth,  and  devoureth  their 
"  Enemies,  and  if  ^ny  Man  will  hurt  them,  he 
muft  in  this  Manner  be  killed."  Is  not  the  Spirit 
of  Prayer  that  Fire  ?  That  Scottifh  Queen  once 
profefTed,  that  fhe  was  more  afraid  of  Mr.  Knox 
his  Prayers,  then  of  an  Army  of  ten  thoufand 
Men. 

And  it  is  noted  concerning  Leolin  Prince  of 
Refer  t[o]  Wales,  that  being  perfwaded  by  fome  to 
Dr.  poweii.  take  Up  Arms  againft  a  Prince  that  was 

famous  for  Religion  ;  he  replyed  that  he  was  afraid 
of  that  Mans  Prayers  more  then  of  Armyes. 

Wherefore  I  fhall  finifh  this  Difcourfe  with  the 
folemn  Expreffion  of  one  (whom  I  have  peculiar 
Reafon  to  love)  that  was  well  known  in  this  Place 
Myiitffed  feven  and  twenty  Years  agoe.354  I  had 
%?£&?  rather  (faith  he]  be  environed  with  Armyes 
in  this  fiats  Of  armed  Men.  and  compa/fed  round  with 

in  hit  Scrm-  *J  '  j    T    n  r    T-\          / 

ant  on  2.  drawn  bwords  and  Injtruments  oj  Death, 
Kingil%.*.p.7.then  fhat  the  ^  praying  Saint  Jhould 

bend  the  Edge  of  his  Prayers  againft  me ;  for  there 

354  The  Author  refers  to  his  Pedigree  in  the  Brief  Hijfory.  See 
Brother  Samuel.  See  the  Family  alfo  Hift>  and  Antiqs.  Bojlon,  310. 


The  Prevalency  of  Prayer.        283 

is  no  ftanding  before  the  Prayers  of  Saints,  efpe dally 

if  they  unite  their  Forces,  and  join  together  in  the 

fame   Requefts.     Rife  up,     O  Lord,   and  let  thine 

Enemy es  be  fc  after  ed,  and  let  them  that  hate  thee, 

flee  before  thee. 


A. 

Capt.  IJrael  Stoughton  to  John  Wintbrop. 
[Not  dated,  but  endorfed,  "  Red*  5,  6.  "  1637] 

HONORED  S' 
By  y8  Pinnace,  being  Giggles,355  you  fhall  Receive  48  or  50 
women  &  Children  vnlefle  there  ftay  any  here  to  be  helpfull  &tn, 
concerning  which  there  is  one  I  formerly330  mentioned  y*  is  y6  faireft  & 
largeft  y*  I  faw  amongft  them,  to  whome  I  haue  given  a  coate  to  Cloath 
her :  It  is  my  defire  to  haue  her  for  a  Servant  if  it  may  ftand  wth  yor 
good  liking  :  ells  not.  There  is  a  little  Squa  yl  Steward  Calacot  defireth, 
to  whom  he  hath  Given  a  coate  Lifetenant  Damport  [Davenport]  alfo 
delireth  one,  to  witt,  a  tall  one,  y*  hath  three  ftroakes  vpon  her  ftumach, 
thus .  —  111  +  :  he  defireth  her  if  it  will  ftand  with  yor  good  likeing : 
Sofomon357  ye  jndian  delireth  a  young  little  fqua  wch  I  know  not.  But 
I  leave  all  to  your  difpofe :  He  had  one  here  for  one  of  his  men. 

At  prefent  Mr.  Noyes,  Mr.  Ludlo,  Captayne  Mafon  &  30  men  arc 
wth  vs  in  Pequid  Riuer,  &  we  fhall  ye  next  weeke  joyne  in  feeing  w*  we 
can  do  agst  Safaco8,  &  an  other  great  Sagamor :  Momowattuck :  Here  is 
yet  tuff  worke  to  be  done.  And  how  deere  it  will  coft  is  unknowne : 
Safao8  is  refolued  to  fell  his  life  &  fo  ye  other  with  their  Company  as  deere 
as  they  cann :  but  we  doubt  not  but  god  will  giue  him  to  vs ;  we  are  in  a 
faire  way.  One  of  ye  former  y4  we  tooke  (or  y4  was  taken  to  or  hands 
in  a  great  meafure)  is  a  great  Sachem,  ye  third  of  ye  pequids :  whome  we 
referuc  for  a  help,158  &  find  Gods  prvidence  derefted  it  well,  for  we  are 
all  cleere  he  is  like  to  do  vs  good :  yet  we  are  farr  from  giuing  him  aflur- 


855  Roger  Williams  wrote  his  Name 
Jiglies.  There  was  a  Thomas  jfigglcs  of 
Bofton  ;  doubtlefs  the  fame  Perfon.  Mr. 
Savage  does  not  feem  to  have  heard  of 
him.  See  our  Note,  149. 

854  There  is  a  long  Letter  from  Capt. 
Stoughton  dated  after  this,  printed  in  the 
Appendix  to  Winthrop's  Journal,  i,  398, 


&c.     That  referred  to  in  the  Text  is  not 
known  to  exift. 

w  Perhaps  the  fame  killed  by  Philip'» 
Men  juft  before  the  War  of  1675,  as  de 
tailed  in  this  Work. 


"58  This 
Wequafli. 


is    probably    a   Reference    to 


286  Appendix. 

ance  of  life.     We  fee  fo  much  worke  behind  yl  we  dare  not  difmife  more 
men  yet : 

We  hope  to  find  a  way  to  bring  them  in  plentifully,  and  to  get  y° 
murderers  too :  &  to  make  their  aflbfiates  tributary  if  they  ftill  adhere  to 
them :  for  we  heare  of  a  great  Number  vp  ye  Country  among  ye  Neepe- 
netts :  but  we  fhall  not  deale  with  them  with  out  yor  advice,  vnlefs  more 
remotely. 

We  have  fettled  on  a  place  for  our  randavooze :  not  full  to  or  Content 
but  ye  beft  we  could  for  ye  prefent :  vpon  ye  mouth  of  Pequid  Riuer ;  on 
ye  Naanticot  fide,  where  we  haue  100  acres  corne,  if  not  z  or  300  neere 
at  hand.  &  a  Curio8  fpring  of  water  within  or  Pallazado,  &  may  by  great 
Gunns  Command  ye  Riuer. 

So  ye  Charg  of  keeping  ye  fort  need  not  be  great,  feeing  Corne,  water 
&  wood  are  fo  neare  at  hand  :  &  fifhing  &th. 

I  pray  let  not  prvifions  be  neglefted  with  ye  firft,  fuch  as  ye  Country 
affbrdeth  fhall  content  vs  :  only  wn  we  haue  frends,  as  now,  we  could 
beteeme  them  a  peece  of  Beef  ets :  if  we  had  it.  ye  Rudlet  of  Sack  we 
haue  is  fome  comfort  &  credit :  but  many  hands  make  light  worke  :  and 
in  cafes  of  fayntings,  ficknes  &ts  among  a  many,  it  cannot  be  but  occafions 
will  happen  of  fome  expence  of  fuch  things  as  are  a  little  better  then 
ordinary. 

Thus  wtlj  my  deereft  Refpefts  remembred  to  yor  felf  with  ye  Councell 
&1S  I  take  leaue  Refting  Yor8  as  in  duty  I  am  bound. 

(.  ISRAEL  SroucHTON.)359 

B. 

Edward  Win/low  to  John  Winthrop. 

[Endorfed  "  Mr.  Winflow  about  the  Pequots."] 

WORTHY  S'. 
Yor  Lr  by  my  wiues  fonne  I  red  the  6th  day  of  the  Jaft  weeke 
being  very  forry  mine  came  fo  unfeafonable  to  yor  hands,  ffbr  anfwerc 
to  yors  Our  Cowncell  having  weighty  occafions  this  day  to  meete  &  con 
fer  about  divers  bufinefTes  wch  much  concerne  us  I  impted  yor  Lr  to  the 
Govr  and  them,  who  feeing  it  impoffible  for  the  Govr  or  myfelfe  to  bee  at 
yor  Court  to  morrow  requefted  me  to  write  by  the  bearer  &  thereby 
falute  yor  Govr  yor  felfe  &  affiftants.  Concerning  yor  prent  bufnies  we 
conceiue  it  will  be  fimply  neceflary  for  you  to  pceed  in  the  war  begun 
wth  the  Pequots,  otherwise  the  natiues  we  feare  will  grow  into  a  ftronger 
confederacy  to  the  further  prejudice  of  the  whole  Englifh.  We  are  very 
glad  to  heare  that  the  Munheges  are  fallen  from  the  Pequots  &  brought 
to  a  pfefled  war  w*11  them  knowing  their  inueterate  hatred  &  defire  it 
may  be  nourifhed  by  all  good  meanes,  who  are  foldiers  as  well  as  the 

389  A  Fac-fimilc  of  Capt.  Stoughton's  Autograph  iiin  the  HiJt.Antiqt.  Bofton,  214. 


Appendix.  287 

others.  Thefe  beft  know  the  Pequots  holds  &  holes  &  the  fitteft  inftru- 
ments  can  be  employed  &  fuch  a  people  as  will  alfo  well  accord  wth  the 
Narrohigganfets.  But  there  is  one  thing  of  ill  confequence  wh  we  heare 
from  Conectncut  viz1,  that  there  are  fome  Englifh  there  that  furnim  the 
enemy  by  way  of  trade  having  made  a  league  wth  them,  If  you  enquire  of 
Mr.  Jefop  who  came  in  the  barke  with  Mr.  Harding  you  may  receiue 
pticular  informacon  thereabout.  That  this  will  be  ill  taken  I  dowbt  not, 
yet  durft  not  doe  no  other  then  informe  you,  yet  let  me  comend  one 
thing  to  yor  confideracon  how  dangerous  a  thing  it  may  proue  if  the 
Dutch  (who  feeke  it)  &  they  mould  clofe  by  reafon  of  the  Pequots  necef- 
fity :  I  fpeake  not  this  as  defiring  the  benefit  of  their  trade,  for  we  are 
waary  of  the  worke  as  we  are  dealt  wthall.  Concerning  things  Eftward, 
Capt.  Standifh  is  returned  who  reporteth  of  the  Royall  entertainem*  Shurt 
hath  given  Dony200  at  Pemaquid.  He  faith  (being  commander  Generall) 
that  if  he  receiue  a  Comiflion  he  muft  take  him,  onely  fix  weekes  before 
he  will  giue  him  notice,  and  in  lue  thereof  tis  [ — ]  Mr.  Shurt  hath  pro- 
mifed  him  to  informe  him  of  whatever  prepacon  mall  be  made  or  in 
tended  againft  them.  He  further  faith  that  if  his  commiflion  be  to  take  the 
Grand  Bay  (yorfelues)  he  will  attempt  it  though  he  mould  haue  no  other 
veflell  then  a  Canoe.  But  the  Englifh  are  all  his  ffriends  except  Plimoth : 
nor  is  he  enemies  to  any  other.  Shurt  hath  undertaken  to  furnim  him 
wth  powder  {hot  yea  all  manner  of  provifions,  And  to  that  end  under  a 
colour  of  gathering  vp  fome  debts  is  come  to  make  provifions  for  them 
till  his  owne  fhip  come.  Tis  alfo  reported  that  Sr  fferdinando  Gorges 
hath  written  to  Saco  that  the  {French  here  are  not  fett  out  nor  allowed  by 
the  King  of  ffr.  but  a  bafe  people  wch  their  ftate  difclaime,  &  therefore 
ftirreth  them  up  to  informe  both  you  &  us  that  we  might  joyne  together 
to  expell  them.  One  thing  more  wch  I  had  almoft  forgotten  they  have 
loft  their  Gaily  &  a  pinnafe  at  He  Sable  &  brought  away  their  people  who 
are  at  Penobfcot  where  they  haue  built  a  pinnafe  of  threefcore  tunne.  I 
report  thefe  things  fro  Capt.  Standifti  but  as  the  reports  y*  are  familiar  in 
the  Eftern  pts,  yl  you  may  likewife  make  yor  ufe  of  them.  The  laft 
news  is  this  whereat  I  am  moft  grieved  That  all  the  late  differencs  betw. 
mr  Wheelwright  &  yo1  felues  in  Church  &  Court  are  in  writing  at  Rich- 
munds  He  where  Turlany361  mewed  him  fix  meets  of  pap  full  written 
about  them.  The  Lord  in  mercy  look  upon  us  and  leaue  us  not  to  the 
malice  of  Satan  &  wicked  men  his  inftruments,  but  fo  direft  us,  by  his 
fpirit  as  the  end  may  redownd  to  his  glory  &  our  mutuall  good. 

Sr  howeuer  I  could  not  come  at  this  fudden  warning  by  reafon  of  our 
publick  occafions  &  the  fowlenes  of  the  latter  pt  of  the  weeke  paft  yet 
neverthelefle  if  you  conceiue  my  coming  may  be  any  furtherance  in  any 

160  D'Aulney.  It  was  within  his  Ter-  xl  No  doubt  Robert  Trclawny,  who 
ritory.  See  Hutchinfon,  i,  iz%;  Davit  owned  the  Ifland.  He  died  before  loth 
Morton,  1 80- 1,  ^\l..  Oft.,  1648.  See  Willw's  Portland,  127. 


288  Appendix. 

good  accou  God  giving  health  &  ability  mine  owne  occafions  (hall  giue 
place,  &  I  fhall  be  ready  to  doe  any  fervice  God  {hall  inable  me  In  the 
meane  time  &  whileft  I  haue  being  my  prs  I  hope  mall  be  to  the  Throne 
of  grace  for  you  &  yors  whom  I  falute  in  the  Lord  &  reft. 

Yor«  aflured 
Plym:  the  iyth  of  the  2d  mo.  1637. 

EDW.  WINSLOW. 

If  now  after  your  Court  you  have  any  defire  to 
fpeake  w*k  me  at  goodman  Stows  of  Roxbury  you  mall 
heare  of  one  that  is  to  come  foorthwth  hither. 


c. 


John  Humfrey  to  John  Winthrop. 
[Dated  June  7th,  1637.] 


M1 


[UCH  honoured 

Hitherto  the  lord  hath  beene  w'h  us,  blefled  for  ever  be  his  ever 
blefled  name.  Or  nation,  the  gofpel,  the  blood  of  thofe  murthered  per- 
fons  of  ors  feems  to  triump  in  the  pr{ent  fuccefle ;  now  I  onely  defire  to 
fuggeft  it  to  yor  wife  &  deeper  confederations  whether  it  be  not  prbable 
the  confederates  of  the  Pequots  will  not  be  glad  to  purchafe  a  fecure  & 
fearlefs  condition  to  themfelves,  by  delivering  up  thofe  men  or  their  heads, 
who  have  wrought  &  brought  fo  much  miferie  upon  themfelves  &  theirs. 
Or  if  not  fo,  whither  (if  they  give  good  aflurance  by  hoftages  &c.)  the 
blood  fhed  by  them  may  not  feeme  to  be  fufficiently  expiated  by  fo  great 
an  inequalitie  on  their  fides.  Hitherto  the  honor  &  terror  of  or  peeple  to 
all  the  natives  is  abundantly  vendicated  &  made  good.  If  prvidence  for 
or  humbling  (as  in  regard  of  myfelfe  I  much  feare)  mould  flefli  them 
[word  worn  off]  by  fome  new  cruelties  upon  anie  of  o18,  how  low  wee 
may  be  laide  both  in  their,  &  the  eyes  of  or  confederate  Indians,  &  to 
how  great  daunger  to  us,  yea  poffiblie  or  pofterities,  I  leave  to  yor  graver 
thoughts,  if  it  be  worth  the  confideration.  Onely  to  my  ftiallownes  it 
feemes  confiderable  whither  it  were  not  fafe  pawfing  to  fee  what  effedt  this 
will  or  may  work  upon  fuch  a  demaund,362  2dly  whither  not  beft  to  reft 
in  certaine  viftorie  &  honor  acquired,  upon  fo  fmall  a  lofle.  3d]y  whither, 
(if  wee  carrie  away  the  greateft  glory  of  thefe  poore  barbarous  people  in 
or  triumphs  over  them,)  the  lofle  of  three  men  more  (if  we  mould  not 
exceede)  may  not  be  paraleld  wth  fo  manie  hundreds  more  of  theirs. 
4thly  whither  we  muft  not  be  forced  at  laft  (&  it  may  be  in  worfe  cir- 

864  This  has  Reference  to  the  Capture      only  eleven  Days  before  this   Letter  was 
of  the  Fort  at  Miftick,  which  was  done      written.     See  Page 


Appendix.  289 

cumftances)  to  take  this  courfe  unleffe  divine  iuftice  will  miraculoufly  fhew 
it  fclfe  in  bringing  them  all  into  o>  net,  wc '  according  to  reafon  is  not 
likely.  5thly,  whether  the  dreadfulnes  of  or  maine  Battallio  (as  it  were) 
be  better  to  be  meafured  by  their  feares  raifed  on  this  laft,  then  to  fee, 
fay  or  thinke,  that  or  former  victorie  was  not  fo  much  of  valor  as  acci 
dent  wch  we  orfelves  do  acknowledge  prvidence.  6';'ly,  if  we  refufe  to 
give  or  take  fuch  conditions  now,  they  may  not  be  likely  to  hold  us  to 
worfe,  or  neceffitate  us  to  a  perpetual  war  if  for  or  owne  eafe  wee  after 
feeke  them,  &  when  they  fee  us  (as  they  may)  afraide  in  like  manner. 

Much  more,  &  to  as  little  purpofe  might  be  faide.  But  if  you  con 
tinue  yor  refolutions  to  prceede  according  to  former  intentions  you  may 
pleafe  to  confider  whither  thefe  bottles  to  be  ufed  granado  wife,  may  not 
be  of  fome  ufe ;  and  whither  (if  the  fort303  be  fo  difficile  as  it  is  reported) 
into  which  they  fhall  for  their  laft  refuge  retire)  it  were  not  opera;  preciu 
to  prpare  a  petar  or  two  to  command  entrance.  Thus  laying  my  low 
thoughts  and  myfelf  at  yor  feete  to  be  kicked  out  or  admitted  as  you  fee 
good,  being  glad  to  hope  of  the  continuance  of  yor  purpofe  to  fee  us  in  yor 
way  to  Ipfwich,  Wtu  my  fcrvicc  to  you  &  yo!B  I  reft  yet  and  ever  yor* 
(anie  thing)  to  ferve  you. 

Jo  :    HUMPHREY.30* 


D. 

YARMOUTH  PORT  [Mafs.],  March  9,  1863. 
OAMUEL  G.  DRAKE,  ESQ. 

^  Dear  Sir:  I  have  delayed  anfwering  your  letter  of  Feb.  12,  in  order 
that  I  might  thoroughly  inveftigate  the  tradition  in  the  Davis  family, 
that  their  anccftor  Robert  bought  of  lyannough  a  traft  of  land  at  the 
north  eaft  corner  of  Barnftable  for  a  brafs  Kettle.365  Robert  Davis 
bought  lands  of  the  Indians ;  but  it  unfortunately  happens,  that  the  pur- 
chafe  was  made  after  the  year  1650,  and  was  a  part  of  the  Indian 
refervation. 

It  will  not  be  juftifiable  to  depart  from  the  authority  of  Winflow,  with 
out  we  can  fubftitute  a  better.  I  think  no  fuch  authority  can  be  fubftituted, 
and  I  fhall  not  therefore  occupy  fpace  by  quoting  accounts  more  familiar 
to  you  than  to  me.  The  defcription  of  the  localities  fo  far  as  given  by 

863  It  was    not    then   known    that  the  Antiquttiet  of  Bofton,  p.  51.     This  Letter 
ftrongeft  Fort  of  the   Pequots   had   been  has  never  been  publifhed  before,  entire, 
abandoned,   which   fome   feared    was  im 
pregnable,  and  would  never  be  expofed  as          365  Mr.  Otis  wrote  in  a  previous  Letter, 
the  other  was,  to  be  furprifed.  that  there  was  a  Tradition   in   the  Davii 

Family,    that    their    Anceftor,    "  Robert 

864  A    Fac-fimile    of    Mr.    Humfrey's      "  Davis,  bought  his  Farm  of  Hyanna  for 
Autograph  may  be  feen  in  the  Hijiory  and      "  a  brafs  Kettle." 


290  Appendix. 

the  early  writers  is  accurate,  and  I  fet  it  down  as  a  hiftorical  faft  that 
lyannough  perifhed  in  a  fwamp,  as  reprefented,  and  that  the  fwamp  in 
which  he  died  is  probably  the  one  about  half  a  mile  eaft  of  his  town. 
There  is  an  ifland  in  the  fwamp  where  tents  could  have  been  built.  The 
"  Dead  Swamp,"  not  far  diftant,  is  almoft  impenetrable  to  this  day.  It 
is  wet  and  muddy>  and  I  do  not  think  even  an  Indian  would  have  at 
tempted  to  refide  in  it. 

Firft  we  will  examine  the  queftion  genealogically.  In  1 620  lyannough 
is  reprefented  as  being  only  25  years  of  age;  if  fo  he  could  not  have  had 
a  fon  of  fufficient  age  in  1626,  to  fucceed  him  as  Sachem.  In  1639,  the 
territory  of  lyannough  was  owned,  the  northerly  portion  by  Nepogtano 
(who  had  by  deed  of  gift  conveyed  one  half  to  Tuacommicus),  and  the 
foutherly  portion  (that  portion  of  Barnftable  now  called  Hyannis  and  all 
the  fouth  part  of  Yarmouth)  by  an  Indian  Sachem  whom  Antony  Thacher 
calls  Hyanna,  and  whofe  name  in  the  reecords  is  written  H  y  an  a,  Hyanus, 
Yana,  lanna.  Sampfon,  fon  of  Mafhantampanu  and  his  fifter  claimed  a  right 
in  thofe  lands ;  but  it  was  afterwards  proved  that  they  had  no  right,  and 
Nepoitan  and  Tuacomicus  conveyed  their  lands  to  the  proprietors,  referv- 
ing  about  60  acres  'at  'Mattakees  Swamp  or  lyannough's  town.  Hianna 
and  his  fon  John  Hianna,  fold  that  portion  of  their  territory  within  the 
prefent  bounds  of  Barnftable  to  the  proprietors,  referving  certain  lands 
and  a  tradl  which  fohn  fays  was  given  by  his  father  Yano  to  Nicholas 
Davis.  Hiano  fold  to  the  proprietors  of  Yarmouth  all  the  lands  on  the 
fouth  fide  of  the  town  of  Yarmouth,  referving  certain  lands  in  the  vicinity 
of  Bafs  River  for  the  ufe  of  the  Indians. 

The  deed  of  Nepoyetam  to  Barnftable  is  dated  in  1641.  He  was 
then  of  age,  and  could  hardly  have  been  a  fon  of  lyannough,  if  the  latter's 
age  is  reported  rightly.  Yanno's  deed  is  dated  1 9th  July,  1664,  m  which 
he  makes  the  refervation  to  the  Indians  and  Nicholas  Davis.  John  Yan 
no's  deed  is  dated  7  Sep.  1680,  and  in  it  he  names  his  father  and  Nicho 
las  Davis,  both  deceafed.  Nepaiton  and  Yanno  may  have  been  fons  of 
lyannough,  but  if  fo  I  think  he  was  an  older  man  than  he  was  reprefented 
to  be,  and  in  fad  his  teeth  mow  that  he  was  probably  older.  There  is  much 
preferved  mowing  the  relationfhip  of  the  feveral  Indian  Sachems  who  lived 
in  this  vicinity  between  1639  and  1680,  and  their  individual  hiftory  can  be 
quite  fatisfaftorily  traced.  I  am  entirely  fatisfied  that  the  ancient  Indian  grave 
recently  difcovered,  was  not  that  of  Tuacomicus,  Napoyetan  (or  his  fuc- 
ceflbr  Keencomfet)  of  Paupmunmeeke,  Sachem  of  Barnftable  and  Marfhpee, 
of  Yanno  (or  his  fon  John),  of  Mafantampaine  (Sachem  of  Nobfcuffet), 
of  Sachemus  (Sachem  of  South  Dennis  and  part  of  Harwich)  or  of  Mat- 
taquafon,  Sachem  of  Monamoiet  (though  his  fon  John  Quafon  claimed  to 
be  an  heir  of  Nepogetain.  It  is  a  more  ancient  grave,  and  after  a  very 
careful  examination  of  all  the  fadls,  which  I  have  not  time  to  recapitulate, 
I  am  entirely  fatisfied  that  the  Indian  grave  difcovered  in  Barnftable  on 


Appendix.  291 

the  1 8th  of  May,  1861,   is  the  grave   of  that   Indian  Chief  whom  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  called  lyanough. 

The  following  are  the  fadb  in  relation  to  the  finding  of  the  grave : 

On  Saturday,  May  18,  1861,  Patrick  Hughes  an  Irifhman,  a  hired 
man  of  Mr.  Enoch  T.  Cobb,  and  David  Davis,  a  fon  of  Benjamin  Davis 
of  Barnftable,  aged  16,  were  ploughing  in  a  field  on  the  fouth  of  the 
Great  Swamp,  which  is  fituate  about  half  a  mile  eaft  of  Mattakeefe  pond 
or  fwamp,  now  called  the  "  Perch  Pond  "  (on  the  borders  of  which  in 
1620  lyanough's  town  was  fituate).  While  ploughing  the  plough  ftruck 
againft  fomething  that  looked  like  metal.  On  examination  they  found  it 
to  be  a  brafs  kettle,  lying  bottom  upwards,  about  feven  inches  below  the 
furface  of  the  ground.  They  procured  a  pick-axe  and  dug  around  it, 
and  taking  it  up  found  it  much  rufted  and  decayed.  Under  the  kettle 
they  found  a  fkull,  and  other  bones.  It  was  fo  left  for  the  night.  Sunday 
morning  following  David  Davis  and  his  brothers,  Adolphus  and  Robinfon, 
and  their  father,  and  Mr.  Nathaniel  Gorham,  being  provided  with  tools, 
continued  the  excavation,  and  found  the  fkeleton  of  a  man  who  had  been 
buried  in  a  fitting  pofture,  an  Indian  peftle,  an  iron  hatchet,  a  bowl,  fomc 
white  and  black  wampum,  feveral  iron  nails  and  one  fpike.  In  making 
the  excavation  traces  in  the  earth  were  noticed  in  the  form  of  a  bow  and 
arrows. 

The  body  was  buried  in  a  fitting  pofture,  the  kettle  placed  over  the 
head,  the  peftle  on  his  right  arm,  the  hatchet  and  bowl  at  his  feet ;  dark 
lines  in  the  earth  indicated  that  his  bow  and  arrows  had  been  placed 
acrofs  his  breaft. 

Thefe  fads  refpefting  the  exhuming  of  the  remains,  I  obtained  by  a 
perfonal  and  feparate  examination  of  the  parties  who  were  prefent.  All 
the  remains  I  had  packed  in  a  box  and  fent  to  the  Pilgrim  Society  at 
Plymouth,  and  the  late  James  Davis,  Efq.,  on  whofe  land  the  grave  was 
found,  provided  a  fuitable  cafe,  and  they  are  now  depofited  in  the  Hall 
of  that  Society. 

I  believe  I  have  now  given  you  all  the  fads  you  will  want  in  preparing 
your  article  on  lyanough.  I  have  named  his  contemporaries  and  their 
fucceflbrs.  Nepogetam,  Tuacommicus  and  Keencomfet,  who  refided  at 
the  Indian  village  (lyannough's  town)  were  Chriftianized  Indians,  and 
would  not  have  been  buried  in  that  pofture.  In  fa6l  their  burial  place  is 
known,  it  was  farther  weft,  and  the  Indian  graves  are  named  in  ancient 
deeds,  and  the  lands  referved  in  the  fale.  Yanno  or  Hianna  refided  at 
Hyannis,  where  there  is  an  ancient  Indian  burial  ground  containing  one 
acre,  referved  when  the  lands  were  originally  laid  out,  and  if  he  was  brought 
(after  1664)  to  the  north  fide  of  the  town  to  be  buried,  it  is  probable  that 
he  would  have  been  entombed  on  the  land  fet  apart  for  that  purpofe. 

Mafantampaine  lived  to  be  very  aged  and  is  buried  at  Nobscuflet. 
Paupnummucke  was  probably  buried  at  MafTapee  (Marfhpee)  of  which 
tribe  he  was  Sachem. 

Mm 


292  Appendix. 

There  is  another  confideration  ;  none  excepting  the  chiefs  had  brafs 
kettles  and  hatchets  at  that  time,  and  if  they  had,  they  were  too  fcarce 
and  too  valuable  to  be  buried  with  a  common  man. 

The  remains  indicate  great  antiquity,  and  the  articles  found  indicate 
with  fome  precifion  the  time  of  the  burial.  It  was  after  the  time  that  Capt. 
John  Smith  and  Hunt  vifited  Barnftable  harbor,  and  before  the  time  that  the 
Indians  had  laid  afi.de  the  ufe  of  the  bow  and  arrow,  in  their  wars  and  in 
hunting.  It  was  before  wampum  had  ceafed  to  pafs  for  money,  and  be 
fore  iron  nails  had  become  common,  and  ceafed  to  be  regarded  as  articles 
of  high  value.  Perhaps  the  latter  faft  is  the  moft  important  in  fixing  the 
time  of  the  fepulchre.  Taking  this  as  the  rule  a  later  period  than  1625, 
can  not  be  fafely  named  as  the  time  of  the  burial.  Very  foon  after  the 
fettlement  of  Plymouth,  nails  ceafed  to  be  an  article  of  value  or  curiofity 
to  the  Indians.  They  wanted  hatchets,  knives  or  other  articles  of  ufe. 

In  regard  to  an  event  which  happened  more  than  two  centuries  ago, 
and  of  which  no  record  was  made  at  the  time,  it  is  unreafonable  to  expe£t 
that  the  proof  will  be  as  ftrong  as  a  mathematical  demonftration. 

I  have  drawn  out  this  letter  to  an  unreafonable  length  ;  but  I  will  re 
peat  that  I  have  no  reafonable  ground  to  doubt  that  the  grave  of  lyannough 
has  been  difcovered,  and  that  fome  of  his  remains  are  now  in  Pilgrim 
Hall,  Plymouth. 

Refpeftfully  yours, 

AMOS  OTIS. 


INDEX 


A  BERK1EST,  threatens   to  kill 

•f*  all  the  Englifh,  98,  102. 

Acanootus,  an  Indian  Juror,  236. 

Accomack,  Plymouth  Harbor,  61. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  1 06. 

Agawams,  conspiracy  among,  87, 
89;  fight  with,  102. 

Akkompoin,  uncle  to  Philip,  265. 

Alexander,  fucceeds  Maflafoit,  227 ; 
feized  by  order  of  Plymouth,  228; 
his  death,  230. 

Allen,  James  xxii. 

John,  his  connexion  with 
Mafon's  Hiftory,  viii ;  communi 
cates  it  to  the  Author,  45,  113; 
the  Author  mifled  by,  114;  his 
unwarrantable  liberties  with  Ma 
fon's  Hiftory,  133,  140,  159, 
1 68. 

Anceftry,  deficiency  of  data  con 
cerning,  xvii. 

Angier,  Samuel,  xxii. 

Annawan,  265. 

Aquidnet,  Rhode  Ifland,  1 87. 

Aquetequefh,  227. 

Armada,  fent  againft  England,  xxx. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  Ambaffador,  200. 
S.  G . ,  on  Miantonimo,  191, 
194. 

Afpinet,  Sachem  of  Naufet,  76,  85 ; 
dies,  94. 

Atherton,  Humphrey,  197. 

Aubrey,  John,  F.  R.  S.,  xvi. 

Audfah,  the  Murderer  of  Oldham, 
149. 


Auftin,  caft  out  Devils,  27 1 . 
Awafequin,  at  Bofton,  196. 
Awaflionks,  259. 

T>  ALSAM,  Robert,  encounters  the 

Devil,  273-4. 

Bangs,  Jonathan,  Juror,  236. 
Barber,  Thomas,  134. 
Bayly,  John,  xxii. 
Benedict,  Thomas,  217. 
Billington,  John,  loft,  75  j  reftored, 

76. 
Block-Ifland,  1 1 3  ;  the  people  Nar- 

raganfets,  1 1 6;  expedition  againft, 

1 60- 1. 
Bradford,  William,  his  Hiftory  of 

Plymouth,  44;  how  difcovered, 

45  ;  caught  in  an  Indian  trap,  64 ; 

ficknefs,  67. 

Branch,  Arthur,  117,  165. 
Brewfter,  Jonathan,  125. 
Brewfter's  Neck,  225. 
Brookes,  William,  235. 
Brown  Qames],  210. 

J.  C.,  Dedication  to,  iii. 
Peter,  loft  in  the  woods,  66. 
Bull,  Henry,  212. 

Thomas,  135,  157. 
Burroughs,  Jeremiah,  275. 
Bufheage,  a  murderer,  193  ;  put  to 

death,  204,  205. 
Butler,  S.,  his  Hudibras,  xvi,  83. 
Butterfield,  S.,  burnt  by  the  Pequots. 

163. 


294 


Index. 


/^ALAMY,  Edmund,  275,  276, 

279. 
Canacum,  Chief  of  Manomet,  85  ; 

his  houfe  attacked,  87  ;  dies,  94. 
Canonchet,  258,  265. 
Canonicus,  challenges   the   Englifh, 

78  ;  advifes  the  Pequots  to  keep 

peace  with  them,  1 8 1  ;  death  of, 

194. 

Capawack,  78,  89. 
Capen,  Jofeph,  xxii. 
Carver,  John,    ficknefs  and  peril, 

67. 
Cafes    of    Confcience    concerning 

Witches,  xxi,  xxiii. 
Caulkins,  F.  M.,  Hift.  N.  London, 

225. 

Chapman,  Robert,  117,  165. 
Charles  Firft  gives  names  on  Smith's 

map,  52. 

Cheek,  John,  Sir,  268-9^ 
Cheever,    George  B.,    his   Mourt's 

Journal,  43. 

Chicon,  a  Narraganfet  Chief,  265. 
Chickwallop,  Sachem  of  Norwoo- 

tuck,  206. 

Church,  Benjamin,  Capt.,  257. 
Cobbett,  Thomas,  112,  262-3. 
Cllacot,  Richard,  285. 
Commiffioners  of  the  U.  C. — See 

UNITED  COLONIES. 
Conne&icut  complains  that  Mafla- 

chufetts  unneceflarily  caufed  the 

Pequot  War,  ix ;  Quonihticut,  x ; 

claims  the  chief  honor  of  deftroy- 

ing  the  Pequots,  178. 
Cook,  Wequafh.     See  WEQUASH. 

Cope, ,  215. 

Corbitant,  his  Confpiracy,  76-78  ; 

full  of  merry  jefts  and  fquibs,  89. 
Crocker,  William,  235. 
Cummaquid,  75,  76. 
Cuttaquin,  trouble  with  Uncas,  2 1 6. 


FJANFORTH,  Thomas,  at  Ply- 

•^•^  mouth,  232. 

Darrel,  John,  271. 

Davenport,  [Richard],  goes  againft 
the  Pequots,  161  ;  again,  182-3  ; 
exploit;  ib.  146,  148,  285. 

Davis,  [William],  135,  147,  222, 
232. 

Deane,  Charles,  xxxvii. 

D'Aulney, ,  287. 

De  Laet,  John,  his  Novus  Orbis,  42. 

Demonology,  by  King  James,  236. 

Dermer,  Thomas,  voyage  to  New 
England,  59  ;  mortally  wounded, 
60. 

Devil,  caufes  thunder  and  lightning, 
xix  ;  an  infernal  chemift,  raifed 
a  great  wind,  xx ;  "  there  are 
Devils  and  witches,"  xxi;  fug- 
gefts  arguments  to  the  Pequots, 
1 80;  Father  of  the  Indians, 
190-1;  in  Uncas,  217;  elates 
and  deprefles  the  Indians,  254; 
Devils  fall  before  Prayer,  270; 
Autograph  of,  270  ;  caft  out  of 
one,  271  ;  another,  272  ;  driven 
out  by  a  woman,  274 ;  Father 
of  Lies,  273-4. 

Dike,  Anthony,  166. 

Dodd,  John,  a  Mofes,  275. 

Done,  John,  236. 

Dorchefter,  fight  there,  102. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  names  N.  Eng 
land,  53  ;  his  voyage,  44. 

Drake,  Nathan,  Shakfpeare  and  his 
Times,  43. 

Drouth,  how  to  manage  one,  108-9. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  179. 

Dutch,  of  New  York,  redeem  Cap 
tives,  177;  accufed  of  felling 
arms  to  the  Indians,  175,  182; 
of  confpiring  with  the  Indians 
againft  the  Englifh,  217,  219; 
war  with  the  Indians,  220. 


Index. 


295 


,  Jack,  exploit  of,  145. 
Edward  VI,  a  Jofiah,  269. 
Elliot,    John,    xxxiv ;     American 

Apoftle,  xxxvi. 
Elmere,  Edward,  206. 
Endicott,  Governor,  arrives,   104; 

goes   againft  the   Pequots,    1 1 6, 

161. 
Epenow,  kidnapped  by  Hunt,  55; 

efcapes,  56. 
England,  ripe  for  Judgment,  xxix ; 

Armada  fent  againft,  xxx. 

"C*ALL  Fight,  killed  over  eftimat- 

f    ed,  265. 

Farmington,    mifchief  done  there, 

225. 

Finch,  John,  killed,  119. 
Fox,  Jabez,  xxii. 

John,  poflefled  of  the  Devil, 

271. 

Francis,  Sachem  of  Nanfet,  227. 
French  mips  deftroyed,  95-7. 

/^ALLOP,    John,    126;  Execu- 
^-*    tioner  of  Indians,   144,  160. 
Gardiner,  Lion,  Hift.  Pequot  War, 

vi,   117,  122,  173;  fervices  not 

acknowledged,  ix;  wounded,  164; 

1 1 8  ;    redeems    Captives,    1 24  ; 

receives  Mafon's  men,    1 42  ;  ie- 

cures  the  friendfhip  of  the  Long 

Ifland  Indians,  185. 
Garner,  Helen,  her  Miracle,  277. 
George  an  Indian  Juror,  236. 
Gerriih,  Jofeph,  xxii. 
Gibbons,    Edward,    appointed    to 

command    in    the    Narraganfet 

war,  196. 

Giggles,  [Thomas?],  126,  285. 
Gilbert,  Jonathan,  202,  206. 
Gilbert,  Raleigh,  his  Journals,  43. 
Gilpin,  Bernard,  278. 
Goodman,  John,  66. 


Gorges,  Ferdinando,  Narration,  44, 

54,  56,  60. 

Gorges,  Robert,  arrives,  103,  188. 
Gortonians,  "  vagabond    Englifh," 

188. 

Gofmer,  [John?],  217. 
Griffin,  John,  206. 
Guftavus  Adolphus,  252. 

tJ  AKLUYT,  Richard,  42  ;  his 
Collections,  44. 

Hamdin,  Mr. ,  102. 

Hamilton,  N.  E.  S.  A.,  difcovers 
Bradford's  MS.  Hiftory,  45. 

Hanham,  Thomas,  voyages,  43. 

Harding,  Mr.  ,  287. 

Harley,  Edward,  voyages,  43. 

Haynes,  John,  averfe  to  the  murder 
of  captive  Pequots,  x;  a  Com- 
miffioner,  144;  Indians  confpire 
againft,  201,  202. 

Hedge,  — ,  132;  wounded,  134-5. 

Hell,  "  Pequot  Souls  brought  down 
to,"  1 69  ;  more  of  them,  1 84 ; 
Indians,  children  of,  35 ;  others 
fent  to,  258;  Indian  Captains 
brought  down  to,  265. 

Heyden,  William,  132,  134. 

Higgins,  Benjamin,  236. 

Higginfon,  John,  Chaplain  in  the 
Pequot  War,  161,  166. 

Hiftorical  Society,  one  early  recom 
mended,  47. 

Hobbomock,  Counfellor  to  Mafla- 
foit,  72-3,  76;  his  life  attempted, 
77 ;  important  fervices,  79,  87, 
88,  108. 

Hobfon,    Nicholas,    Voyages,    43, 

54>  57-8. 

Hooker,  Thomas  156,  172. 
Hope,  an  Indian  Juror,  236. 
Hopkins,  Edward,  Indians  confpire 

againft,  201,  204. 
Hopkins,   Stephen,  vifit  to  Mafla- 

foit,  73. 


296 


Index. 


Houlden,  Randall,  212. 

Howell,  [Edward?],  217. 

Hubbard,  William,  endorfes  Ma 
ther's  Cafes  of  Confcience,  xxi, 
xxii ;  his  Hiftory,  48. 

Hudibras  on  Jefuits  &  Indians,  xvi. 

Hume,  Hiftory  of  England,  vi. 

Humfrey,  John,  Letter  about  the 
Peqots,  288. 

Hunt,  Thomas,    kidnaps    Indians, 

53-4,  58- 
Hurlburt,  Thomas.  117;  fhot,  1 1 8, 

165. 

Humphrey,  John,  on  the  Pequot 
War,  x — See  HUMFREY. 

Hutchinfon,  Thomas,  Bradford's 
Hiftory  traced  to,  44. 

Hyannes,  75,  290,;  Hianna,  291. 

INDIANS,  perfeft  Seceflionifts, 
xi,  xii  ;  early  condition,  xiii ; 
treacherous,  ibid:  their  wars 
originated  in  bad  faith,  xiv ;  a 
remarkable  example,  xiv,  xv ; 
'  wolves  with  men's  brains,'  xv ; 
Chriftianity  among,  xxxiii-xxxvi ; 
of  Martha's  Vineyard,  fwept 
away,  xxxv ;  children  of  Hell, 
ib.;  ibme  kidnapped,  53;  war, 
57  ;  fight  with  Dermer,  60 ;  with 
Smith,  6 1  ;  attack  the  Pilgrims, 
65 ;  the  Plague  among,  69,  1 10  ; 
confpiracy,  87 ;  no  dealing  with 
as  with  others,  90;  Indian  Goliah, 
171;  Gigantine  Salvage,  183; 
Englimman's  God  all  one  Fly, 
1 84 ;  thofe  of  Long  Ifland  bring 
tribute  to  the  Englilh,  185  ;  un- 
derftood  little  of  Covenants,  201 ; 
horrid  Confpiracy  among  feared, 
217;  Northern  and  Eaftern  make 
difturbance,  219;  a  general  war 
among  themfelves,  224,  255; 


apathy  after  a  viftory,  254; 
curfed  blafphemers,  258 ;  twenty- 
two  Captains  flain,  263. 

Ipfwich  alarmed  by  the  Tarratines, 
in. 

lyanough,  Hyannis?  75  ;  dies,  94  ; 
his  place  of  burial,  reftdence  and 
defcendants,  289-292. 


J 


ACKSON, 


-,  126. 


Jackfon,  T.,  executed  at  Ply 
mouth,  187. 

James,  (King),  his  Demonology, 
236. 

Jefferyes, ,  146. 

Jenyfon,  [William],  161. 

Jeflbp, ,  287. 

Jethro,  Peter,  257. 

Jiggles,  Thomas — See  GIGGLES. 

Johnfon,  Edward,  Wonder  Work 
ing  Providence,  45,  66,  188. 

Joflelyn,  John,  on  Lions,  67. 

TT'EHORON— See  REHORON. 
•*•*•  Kennedy  Hugh,   280,  281. 
Kilpatrick — See  PATRICK. 
Kifwas,  barbaroufly  put   to  death, 

1 66-8. 

Knox,  John,  the  Reformer,  282. 
Kunacum — See  CANACUM. 

T    ANKTREE,  Matthew,  xxx. 

•^  Lay,  Robert,  224. 

Leoline,  Prince  of  Wales,  282. 

Leverett,  John,  at  Plymouth,   232. 

Lions,  fuppofed  in  New  England, 
66-7. 

Ludlow,  Roger,  averfe  to  the  mur 
der  of  captives,  x  ;  Commiffioner, 
123,  145,  172,  192,  285. 

Luther  on  Prayer,  247,  269. 

Luz,  a  Pequot  Captive,  1 45  ;  Pilot 
to  the  Englifh,  174. 


Index. 


297 


VfACHIAVEL,  N.,  Indians  as 

•*•  •*  treacherous,  xv ;  equalled  by 
Pequot  Chiefs,  1 80. 

Manafanes,  a  Norwootuck,   206. 

Manawet  kidnapped  by  Hunt,  55. 

Manhattan  (New  York),  143,  145, 
179,  218. 

Manifles  (Block  Ifland),  113;  peo 
ple    Narraganfetts,     1 1 6 — See 
BLOCK  ISLAND. 

Manomet  (Sandwich),  85  ;  Indian 
Confpiracy  there,  87,  89,  94. 

Martha's  Vineyard,  Indians  fwept 
away,  xxxv. 

Martyr,  Peter,  278. 

Maflcippague,  an  Indian  Juror,  236. 

Maflachuietts,  accufed  of  caufing 
War,  ix;  fends  an  Expedition 
againft  the  Pequots,  1 1 6  ;  de 
fence  of,  178  ;  fends  Commiffion- 
ers  to  the  Narraganfets,  181  ; 
commits  an  aft  of  Nullification, 

221. 

Maflachufett  Indians  at  war  with  the 
Tarratines,  xiii ;  plot  to  cut  off 
the  Englifti,  79,  84 ;  furprifed  by 
Standifh,  91-3  ;  Small  pox  among, 
no. 

Maflafoit  vifits  the  Pilgrims,  70; 
treats  with  them,  71  ;  vifited  by 
them,  74-5;  at  Plymouth,  81  ; 
reveals  a  Confpiracy,  84 ;  falls 
fick,  87 ;  a  wall  to  the  Englifti, 
107;  his  fucceflbrs,  226. 

Mafon,  John,  Hift  Pequot  War, 
vii,  viii  ;  no  Letters  of,  x ;  his 
Hiftory  attributed  to  Allyn,  114; 
urges  Gardiner  to  write  a  Hiftory, 
117;  fent  to  Saybrook,  1 1 8 ; 
conducts  the  war  againft  the  Pe 
quots,  121  ;  inverts  a  fort,  132; 
fets  it  on  fire,  133;  returns  home, 
142 ;  goes  on  a  fecond  Expedi 
tion,  144-150;  his  operations, 


151-156;  procures  corn,  158, 
216;  a  fuppofed  attempt  to  mur 
der,  224,  285. 

Matachiefts,  confpiracy  among,  87, 
89  ;  their  Chief  dies,  94. 

Mather,  Cotton,  on  Chriftian  In 
dians,  xxxvi. 

Mather,  I.,  his  Hiftories,  vi-viii; 
The  "Relation,"  xvii;  value  of 
his  works,  xviii ;  Cafes  of  Con- 
fcience,  xxi ;  endorfes  the  "  Won 
ders  of  the  Invifible  World,"  xxiii; 
Awakening  Truths,  xxiv;  his 
Autobiography,  xxiv-v,  xxxiii ; 
Reafons  for  writing  the  "  Rela 
tion,"  41;  deceived,  114;  bad 
citation,  250. 

Mather,  Nathaniel,  266. 

Samuel,  his  death  and  orders 
refpefting  his  interment,  xxxvii. 

Matoonas,  238,  257,  259. 

Mattakees  Pond,  291. 

Mattafhinnamy,  murders  Saffamon, 
235  ;  executed,  237. 

Matthews,  ,  56. 

Mautamp,  a  Nipmuck  Chief,  265. 

Melanfthon,  [Philip],  269. 

Mendon  deftroyed,  257. 

Menunkatuck,  Guilford,  173. 

Mefapano,  accufed  of  mifchief, 
225-6. 

Metacomet  fucceeds  Alexander,  226- 
7 — See  PHILIP. 

Metapoifet,  88,  89. 

Mexano,  vifits  Bofton,  196. 

Miantonimo,  126,  127,  150;  (hares 
the  Pequot  Captives,  151;  friend 
ly  advice,  1 61  ;  accufed  of  picking 
quarrels,  188  ;  vifits  Bofton,  189; 
executes  a  Pequot,  j  90 ;  captured 
and  flain,  ib. 

Middlebury,  murder  there,  235. 

Millenium  looked  for,  xxix-xxxi. 


298 


Index. 


Miller,    William,    his   end  of  the 

world,  xxx. 

Miftic  Fort,  captured,  171. 
Mitchell,  Mathew,  163,  166-7. 
Mohanfick,  on  Long  Ifland,  217. 
Mohegans,  origin,  xii  ;  at  war  with 

the    Pequots,   xiii  ;    Exploit   of 

fome,  1  22  ;protedl  Pequots,  161  ; 

once  a   part  of  them,    167;  in 

trouble   with    the    Narraganfets, 

1  88  ;    defeat    the    Narraganfets, 

190;     new    war    with,     193; 

threaten   Uncas,    209  ;    plotting 

with  Philip,  234. 
Mohawk's,     war-hammers,     182  ; 

Narraganfets  practice  with,  199; 

again  fufpefted  of  entering  their 

fervice,  213,  216. 
Monhegan  Ifland,  62,  69,  82. 
Monoco  (One-eyed-John),  258,  265 
Mononotto,  a  Pequot  Chief>    162  ; 

wife  of,  176-7,  218,  285. 
Montaukets,  aflaulted,  220. 
Morton,  Charles,  xxii. 

Nathaniel,  New  England's 

Memorial,  45,  184,  227. 
Morton,  Thomas,  on  Lions,  67  ; 

the  Indian  Plague,  69  ;  Lord  of 

Mifrule,  106. 
Mount  Wollafton,  104. 
Mourt's   Journal,   badly  reprinted, 

42-3- 
Mannings,  Geo.,  wounded,  161. 

Myconius,  269,  270. 


Peckfuot's  boy, 
101. 

Namafchet,  69,  76,  77. 

Nantucket,  Indian  Troubles,  238. 

Nappannets  apply  for  favor,  186. 

Narraganfets  efcape  the  Plague,  69  ; 
challenge  the  Engliih,  78;  aid 
the  Englifh  againft  the  Pequots, 
115;  fome  inhabit  Manifles,  1  16; 
fend  Pequot  hands  to  Bofton, 


115;  decried  by  Uncas,  121; 
join  the  Englifh,  127  ;  fhowfigns 
of  fear,  128-9;  refill  the  Argu 
ments  of  the  Pequots  to  deftroy 
the  Englifh,  1 80 ;  Cowards, 
181  ;  taunt  enemies  in  their 
dying  agonies,  182;  one  mur 
dered  by  an  Englifhman,  186-8  ; 
in  trouble  with  the  Mohegans, 
188;  war  with,  193;  war  pre 
vented,  196 ;  play  Leger-de-main, 
197  ;  practicing  with  the  Mo 
hawks,  199  ;  threatened  by  the 
Englifh,  200  ;  threats  in  return, 
209 ;  further  complained  of, 
212-13  >  felfe  and  treacherous, 
214;  fome  murder  a  Mohegan, 
225  ;  plotting  with  Philip,  234; 
their  lofles,  265. 

Nafhuas  at  war  with  the  Nipmucks, 
255. 

Naufet  Indians  kidnapped,  54-5  ; 
retaliate,  60,  76,  84 ;  in  a  Con- 
fpiracy,  87,  89,  94. 

Naymetayhu,  a  Sachem,  202,  204, 
207. 

Nepaupuck,  hanged,  for  murder, 
192. 

New  Albion,  New  England  named 
from,  52. 

New  England,  early  condition  of, 
vii ;  "  lamentably  degenerate," 
xxv  ;  radical  Apoftacy  of,  xxvii ; 
its  Families  out  of  order,  xxviii ; 
peculiar  Glory  of,  xxxiv ;  origin 
of  the  Name,  52  ;  a  black  page 
in  its  Hiftory,  191  ;  its  Deliver- 

.  ance  an  Anfwer  of  Prayer,  243  ; 
yet  not  a  General  Reformation 
in,  244;  dark  Clouds  gathering, 
245  ;  unfit  for  habitation,  253  ; 
Wo  to  him  whom  N.  E.  prays 
againft,  282. 

New  Haven,  why  fo  called  and 
when,  174. 


Index. 


299 


Nianticks,  127  ;  Pequots,  141,  149; 
fend  a  Deputy  to  Bofton,  196; 
threatened,  200;  aflault  the  Long 
Ifland  Indians,  220. 

Nimrod,  Counfellor  to  Philip,  227  ; 
Signs  a  Treaty  at  Plymouth,  233; 
265. 

Ninigret,  receives  plunder  of  Mur 
derers,  1 1 6 ;  his  tribe  vifited,  1 27, 
141  ;  receives  captive  Pequots, 
151  ;  his  men  outrageous,  152; 
goes  againft  Block  Ifland,  161  j 
feized  by  Atherton,  198;  at 
Bofton,  200  ;  again,  208  ;  over 
awed  to  promife  what  he  could 
not  perform,  209-11;  marriage 
of  his  Daughter,  216;  aflaults, 
Long  Ifland,  220;  war  againft 
determined  on,  221  ;  formidable 
Expedition  againft,  222  ;  Englifh 
threaten  to  fet  his  head  upon  a 
Pole,  223. 

Nipmucks  enfnared,  258;  their 
Lofles,  265,  285. 

Nipnifoit,  a  Sachem,  202. 

Nobfcuflet,  291. 

Nonantum,  firft  Indian  Church 
there,  xxxv. 

Norton,  Walter,  Capt.,  112;  mur 
dered,  113-15,  159- 

Norwootuck,  Northampton  201. 

Nowequa,  brother  of  Uncas,  2 1 2. 

Noyes,  James,  285. 

O  BRAVE  Pequots,    182. 
O'Callaghan,  E.  B.,  192. 
Oldham,    John,    Murdered,     113, 
1 1 6  ;    his  Murderer   difcovered, 
149,  1 60. 

Old  Jethro,  a  Nipmuck  Chief,  265. 
Oldmixon,  John,  on   the  Author, 

xxiii. 
Otafti,  brother  to  Miantonimo,  1 5  3. 

Nn 


Otis,   Amos,    75  ;    Letter   to    the 

Editor,  289. 
Owanux,  Englifhmen,  131,  168. 


,  war  Parties  at, 

*•     158,  213,  225. 

Palmor,  [Abraham]  Serjeant,  146. 

Pametfick,  a  Pequot  murderer,  143 

Panics,  an  Indian  Champion,  80  ; 
villainy  of  one,  96. 

Paomet,  85  ;  plan  to  kill  Standifh 
there  fruftrated,  86;  in  a  Con- 
fpiracy,  87,  89. 

Pattifon,  Edward,  134. 

Patrick,  Daniel,  (  126;  arrives  at 
Pequot,  139,  140;  ill  treated, 
141  ;  operations  againft  the  en 
emy,  146,  149,  150;  172. 

Patuckfon,  236. 

Patuxet,  fince  called  Plymouth,  53, 
69,  90. 

Pawcatuck,  128;  in  the  Pequot 
Country,  151;  Wefterly,  203. 

Peach,  Arthur,  executed  for  murder, 
1  86. 

Pebe,  Pecbe,  or  Thebe,  265. 

Pelham  [Herbert],  CommifEoner, 
201. 

Pell,  Thomas,  Surgeon,  137,  1  66. 

Pequots,  their  origin,  xii  ;  com 
mence  murdering  the  Englifti, 
113;  grounds  of  the  war  with, 
114;  Expedition  againft,  116; 
aflault  Saybrook,  117;  attack 
Weathersfield,  1  1  8  ;  had  1  6  guns, 
123;  fort  described,  129;  def- 
troyed,  1  30-6  ;  many  taken  &  put 
to  death  ;  others  made  flaves  1  44, 
150;  no  more  to  be  called  Pe 
quots,  151;  anonymous  account 
of  the  war  with,  159;  protected 
by  the  Mohegans,  161  ;  their 
(hocking  barbarity,  1  64,  1  66  ; 


300 


Index. 


fouls  bro't  down  to  Hell,  1 69 ; 
outwitted  by  the  Dutch,  177; 
conduft  after  their  Murders,  179; 
quarrel  with  the  Dutch,  ib. ; 
counfelled  by  Satan,  180;  fome 
"  in  a  moment  brought  down  to 
Hell,"  184;  one  hanged,  192; 
fears  of  their  afierting  again  their 
Nationality,  216;  the  Englifh 
again  demand  thofe  with  Ninigret, 

222. 

Perkins,  John,  Sergeant  of  Ipf- 
wich,  ill. 

Peflacus,  vifits  Bofton,  I96;em- 
baffay  to,  200 ;  another,  208 ; 
Peter,  a  perfidious  Narraganfet, 
257. 

Philip,  origin  of  the  war  with,  227, 
237  ;  "of  late  curfed  memory", 
231  ;  at  Bofton,  232;  convifted 
at  Plymouth,  233  ;  hatching  Mif- 
chief,  235  ;  a  bullet  prayed  into 
his  heart,  264. 

Phillips,  Samuel,  xxii. 

Pickfuot,  a  Confpirator,  9 1  ;  killed 
by  Standifh,  92  ;  Pratt's  account 
of,  96,  98,  101. 

Pilgrims,  why  befriended  by  the 
Wampanoags,  xiii ;  dealt  honor 
ably  with  the  Indians,  xv. 

Pinchon,  William,  172,  201. 

Plymouth,  aveffe  to  the  Pequot  war, 
ix;  Indian  names,  53,61,69; 
fortified,  79  ;  falfe  alarm  at,  80  ; 
Commiffioners  meet  Philip,  232  . 
To  be  fupported  againft  the  Ind 
ians,  233. 

Plymouth  Colony  Records,  227, 
231. 

Pocanoket,  73,  87,  88. 

Pomeroy,  Eltwood,  151, 

Pomham,  258. 

Popham,  Francis,  Sir,  fends  (hips 
to  New  England,  53. 


Popham,  John,  Sir,  fends  a  colony 

to  New  England,  52;  dies,  53. 
Porter's  Rocks,  129. 
Potock,  a  Narraganfet  Chief,  265. 
Powas,    104;  unable  to  manage  a 

Drouth,  1 09  ;  or  the  Small  pox, 

no. 
Pratt,   Phinehas,  his   Narrative  of 

Wefton's  Colony,  91-104. 
Prince,    Thomas,     his    edition    of 

Mafon's  Hiftory,  1 14. 
Prince,  Thomas  (Gov.),  227. 
Pulfifer,  David,  Plymouth  Records, 

46. 

Pumham,  a  Narraganfet,  265. 
Pumpafa  (Nimrod),  227. 
Punckquaneck,  227. 
Purchas,  Samuel,  his  Pilgrims,  43  ; 

his  death,  44,  58. 

QUABAOG,  attack  upon,  260. 
Quadequina,  brother  of  Maf- 
faflbit,  70. 
Quanonchet,  a  Narraganfet  Chief, 

258,  261. 

Quinnipiack,  fettled,  174. 
Quonahafit,  fight  there,  61. 
Quonihticut — See  CONNECTICUT. 

T3EBELLION,  the  Southern,  its 
origin,  xi. 

Reid,  John,  xxx. 

Rehoron,  murders  a  man,  214. 

Remarkable  Providences,  xix,  xxxi- 
xxxiii ;  a  compilation  of,  urged, 
xxxii. 

Rhode  Ifland,  hated,  1 68 ;  deep 
Apoftates  of,  1 88 ;  Indians  friend 
ly  to,  194;  people  complain  of 
the  Narraganfets,  2 1 2. 

Riggs,  Edward,  exploit,  148. 

Ringe,  Andrew,  236. 

River  Indians,  troublefome,  201. 

Robinfon,  [Nicholas?],  126. 

Rocraft,  Edward,  58. 


Index. 


301 


Romanoke,  a  Connecticut  Indian, 

205. 
Rothwell  Richard,  encounter  with 

the  Devil,  272. 

Rowlandfon,  Mary,  254,  262. 
Rumble,  Thomas,  117,  165. 

CABINE,  William,  235. 

^  Sachem's  Head,  173. 

Sachem's-Plain  (Norwich),  191. 

Saconets,  confpiracy  among,  87,  89. 

Sagamore  John,  259, 265 ;  Sam,  265. 

Salem,  fettled,  105. 

Sam  Barrow,  265. 

Samofet,  appears  at  Plymouth,  68. 

Safquankit,  173. 

Saflacous,  Chief  of  the  Pequots,  143, 

161,  285. 
Saflacus,   plot  fruftrated,    1 69  ;  all 

one    God,    170;    efcapes    from 

Miftic,  172  ;  killed  by  Mohawks, 

ib.s  his  Sifter,  wife  of  Uncas,  217. 
Saflamon,  John,  227,  229  ;  reveals 

Philip's  plans,   234;    murdered, 

235,  285. 
Saflawaw,  murdered  by  Wequalh, 

xiv. 

Saugus  (Lynn),  alarmed,  no. 
Saunders,  John,  84. 
Savage,  J.,  on  the  Murder  of  Mi- 

antonimo,  191. 
Say  brook  Fort  befieged,  165. 
Scceffionifts,    their  origin,  xi,  xii, 

121. 

Seeley,  Nathaniel,  killed,  157. 

Robert,  Lieut,  under  Mafon, 

123,  131,-  157;  Meflenger,  222. 
Sequaflbn,  Sachem  of  Waranoake, 

201-2-3-4  5  fligs to  tne  Mohawks, 

205. 

Sergeant,  \Tbomas  ?~],  171. 
Sewall,  Samuel,  on  Woburn  Affairs, 

238. 
Shaw,  Jonathan,  236. 


Shepard,  Thomas,  xxxii. 

Sequin,  ill  treated,  119. 

Sherman,  Thomas,  wounded,  148, 

,  '57' 

Shrimpton,  Samuel,  210. 

Shurt,  Abraham,  287. 

Simpfon,  Patrick,  Angular  relief, 
276-7. 

Sixpence,  in  Sequafon's  Plot,  205. 

Slany,  John,   59. 

Slaves,  Indian,  144;  could  not  en 
dure  the  yoke,  i  50. 

Slinnings,  Richard,  executed,  187. 

Smith,  Arthur,  wounded,  135. 

John,   Capt.,   a  late  attempt 
to  difcredit,  42. 

Smith,  John,  of  Warwick,  212. 
William,  201. 

Sonkanuhoo,  figns  a  Treaty  at  Ply 
mouth,  233. 

South-hampton,  murders  at,  215  ; 
other  troubles,  216. 

Special  Providences — See  REMARK 
ABLE  PROVIDENCES. 

Spencer,  John,  mot,  118,  165. 

Squantum,  59,  70  ;  ordered  to  be 
put  to  death,  71  ;  interpreter, 
73,  76,  78  ;  a  mifcreant,  79,  80 ; 
narrow  efcape,  8 1  ;  his  influence 
over  Maflafbit,  107. 

Squaw  Sachem  (Weetamoo),  265. 

Stamford,  murder  at,  214. 

Standifh,  Miles,  63  ;  expedition  to 
Namafket,  77  ;  to  Naufet,  84  ;  at 
Manomet,  85  ;  efcapes  aflaffina- 
tion,  86  ;  goes  againft  the  Mafla- 
chufetts,  90-93  ;  fent  againft  the 
Narraganfets,  195,  287. 

Stanton,  Thomas,  Interpreter,  148- 
9 ;  moots  an  Indian,  154;  am- 
baflador,  200,  213,  216. 

Stares,  Sergeant,  149. 

Stebbing,  Edward,  158. 

Steele,  George,  Commiffioner,  123. 


302 


Index. 


Steward,  John,  281. 

Stone,  John,  Capt.,  112;  murdered, 

113-15,  159,  172. 
Stone,  Samuel,  Chaplain,  123  ;  his 

Prayers  anfwered,  125,  157. 
Stone-wall-John,  a  Nipmuck  Chief, 

265. 
Stoughton,    Ifrael,    Letters    of,  x ; 

Expedition  againft  the  Pequots, 

141,  144;  takes  many  Prifoners, 

ib. ;  dies  in  England,  186  ;  Letter 

from,  285. 

Stoughton,  William,  i  86-7. 
Stow,  John,  288. 
Street,    Nicholas,     prophecy     of, 

198-9. 
Sturgis,  Edward,  235. 

Sturton ,  56. 

Stuyveflant,  P.,  his  Efforts  to  redeem 

Englifh  Captives,  177,  219. 
Sudbury,    conduft   of  the-  Indians 

after  the  fight  at,  254. 
Swain,  William,  daughters  captured, 

119. 

'"PARRATINES,  at  war  with  the 
•••  Maflachufetts  Indians,  xiii,  n  I . 

Taunton,  Treaty  of  at,  232  ;  faved, 
261. 

Taylor,  John,  his  Redeemed  Cap 
tive,  231. 

Tchticut  River,  235. 

Thompfon,  Benjamin,  42,   196. 

Tifquantum — See  SQUANTO. 

Tobias,  murders  Saflamon,  235  ; 
convifted,  236  ;  hanged,  237. 

Tokamahamon,  75,  76;Takamun- 
na,  234,  265. 

Tomfpon,  William,  Chaplain,  1 96. 

Toquattos,  fufpefted  of  murder, 
214-15. 

Totofon,  a  Wampanoag,  265. 

Treaty  with  Philip,  227,  232;  at 
Plymouth,  232-3. 


Trelawney,  Robert,  287. 
Trumbull,].  H.,  Col.,  Records  Ct., 

225. 

Tunxis,  Farmington,  205,  226. 
Turner,    Nathaniel,    goes    againft 

Block  Ifland,  161. 
Turner,    William,  fent  againft   the 

Pequots,  1 1 6. 

TJNCAS,  joins  the  Englifh,  121  ; 
Exploit  of  his  men,  122;  ad 
heres  to  the  Englifh,  1 28  ;  (hares 
Pequot  Captives,  151;  Exploit, 
1 67  ;  another,  1 74 ;  fuppofed  at 
tempt  to  kill  him,  188-9;  a 
Scamp,  189;  kills  Miantonimo, 
190;  Monument  to,  191;  be- 
fieged  in  his  Fort,  193 ;  Plot 
againft,  204;  continually  ftirred 
up  to  Mifchief,  207 ;  threatened 
by  the  Mohegans,  209 ;  again 
trouble  with,  2 1 1  ;  a  brother  in 
Mifchief,  2 1 2  ;  at  Stamford,  214; 
complains  of  being  bewitched, 
216;  family  of,  217;  accufes 
Ninigret  &  the  Dutch,  218;  life 
faved  by  the  Engliih,  225  ;  not  a 
Saint,  255. 

Uncaway,  Indian  Sachem,  192. 

Uncompowett,  uncle  to  King  Philip, 
227. 

Underhill,  John,  fent  againft  the 
Pequots,  1 16  ;  volunteers  againft 
the  Pequots,  122  ;  upbraids  the 
Indians  for  cowardice,  131  ;  at 
tacks  the  Pequot  fort,  132  ;  fets 
it  on  fire,  132  ;  contention  with 
Patrick,  140  ;  feizes  a  Squaw, 
177  ;  acquitted  himfelf,  178. 

United  Colonies,  formed,  195  ;  De 
claration,  190  ;  Charges  againft 
the  Indians,  199  ;  Proceed 
ings,  200 ;  at  Bofton,  208  ; 


Index. 


3°3 


Plymouth,  2 1 2  ;  Newhaven,  217, 
220  ;  Declare  war  againft  Nini- 
gret,  221. 

Uffamequin,  216. 

Ufkuttugun,  a  Nipinuck  Chief,  265 . 

WANE,  Governor,  x,   166. 
*     Vixon,  Robert,  236. 

WADSWORTH,  John,   236. 
Wadfworth,  William,    158. 
Waiandance,  Sachem  of  Long  Ifland, 

185. 

Wait  [Richard],  Ambaflador,  200. 
Walker,  Richard,  fired  upon,   no. 
Walter,  Nehemiah,  xxii. 
Wampapaquan.  executed,  237. 
Wampanoags,      why     the      early 

friends    of    the    Englifh,    xiii  ; 

troubles  with,  226, 
Wampeag,  Indians,  204. 
Wamphanck — See  NEPANPUCK,  192. 
Wampye,  an  Indian  Juror,  236. 
Wamfutta,  fucceeds  Maffafoit,  226. 
Wannoo,  an  Indian  Juror,  236. 
War,  firft  declaration  of,  90. 
Waranoke,  Weftfield,   Mafs.,  201, 

203. 

War-clubs  defcribed,  182. 
Warner,  John,  212. 
WafTapinewet,  84. 
Waflemofe,  a  Waranoke,  206. 
Watchibrow,  of  Paucatuck,  203. 
Waterman,  Thomas,  xxx. 
Watufpaquin,  Wampanoag,  265. 
Weathersfield,  murders  there,  1 1 8- 

19,     176  ;    an    Indian    hanged, 

192  ;  an  incident  of,  218. 
Wedgwood,  John,  wounded,  148, 

157- 

Welch,  Henry,  279,  280. 
Wequafh's    treachery,    xiv  ;    pilots 

the  Englifh,  130,  169  ;  fhields  a 

a  murderer,  149. 


Weffaguflet,  fettlement,  82  ;  trou 
bles,  90  ;  ruin  of,  91-103. 

Wefton,  Thomas,  his  Colony,  gz  j 
ruin  of,  91-103  ;  his  misfortunes, 

112. 

Wheelwright,  John,  287. 

Whiting,  Samuel,  xxii. 

William,  Indians  confpire 
againft,  101,  204. 

Whitmore,  John,  murdered,  2 1 4. 
W.  H.,  xxx. 

Wigglefworth,  Michael,  xxii. 

Willard,  Samuel,  xxii. 

Simon,  Expedition  againft 
Ninigret,  221-2;  relief  of  Brook- 
field,  260. 

Willet,  Thomas,  defired  to  treat 
with  Philip,  227. 

Williams,  Roger,  fervices  not  ac 
knowledged,  ix  ;  Letters,  x  ;  re 
lates  a  cafe  of  Indian  treachery, 
xiv  ;  confided  in  by  them,  161  ; 
difcourages  barbarities,  172;  pre 
vents  the  Alliance  of  the  Pequots 
and  Narraganfets,  1 80  ;  detefts 
murderers  of  an  Indian,  187; 
perfecuted,  189,  216  ;  Informa 
tion,  255. 

Wilfon,  John,  172;  Chaplain,  185. 

Winflow,  Edward,  on  the  Pequot 
War,  x;  Good  News,  43;  vifits 
Maffafoit,  73;  again,  87;  Expe 
dition  againft  Caubitant,  77; 
Letter  to  Winthrop,  286. 

Winflow,  Jofiah,  feizes  Alexander, 
228. 

Winflow,  Nathaniel,  235. 

Winter,  John,  about  Drake's  Voy 
age,  44. 

Winthrop,  John,  on  the  Pequot 
War,  x,  172,  184. 

Winthrop,  John,  of  Pequot,  com 
plains  of  Uncas,  211,  216  ;  to 
receive  Pequots,  222;  at  Ply 
mouth,  232. 


304 


Index. 


Wife,  John,  xxii. 
Witawafh,  vifits  Bofton,  196. 
Witches,   their  reality   and  office, 

xxi,  xxii,  xxxiii ;  trouble  Uncas, 

216,  217. 
Wittawamat,   urges  the  murder  of 

the  Englifti,  86;  killed  by  Stand- 

ifh's  men,  91-2, 
Woburn,  Indian  Troubles,  238. 
Wohkowpahenitt,   figns  a  Treaty, 

233- 
Wollafton, ,  Plantation,  103-4. 


Wolves'  Heads  to  be  paid  by  Philip, 
233;  by  Takamunna,  234. 

Wonders  of  the  Invifible  World, 
xxiii. 

Woody,  Richard,  201. 

Woonafhum — See  NIMROD. 

Woofpafuck,  265. 

Wowequay — See  NOWEQUA. 

Wuttakoofeeim,  figns  a  Treaty  at 
Plymouth,  233. 

VANNO— See  IYANOUGH. 


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